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September 29, 2006

LexPress: Hynes Off the Hook

By Jason Boog

Posted 09-29-06 

 
Charles Hynes dodges a litigious bullet, some cops are deemed to be too true blue, and a Medicare refund regime is (temporarily) toppled. 

 

DA, A-OK
The Brooklyn DA is off the hook in a federal court decision released yesterday. Southern district judge William H, Pauley III dismissed almost all of the counts pending against Charles Hynes in a lawsuit that alleged the Brooklyn DA had unfairly prosecuted a political rival in 2003. The New York Law Journal reports that Sandra E. Roper had filed suit against a variety of public officials — including top state judges Jonathan Lippman and Judith S. Kaye — after Hynes indicted Roper for stealing money from a client. Following a mistrial those charges were dismissed, but Roper lost her job as clerk to Civil Court judge Peter Sweeney. Federal judge Pauley dismissed all counts, except one pending against Supreme Court judge Joan Carey — Roper alleged that Carey discussed the case with Hynes during a heated DA election in which Roper won 36 percent of the vote.

 

UNIFORM RESPONSE
Federal judge Nicholas Garaufis is being asked to make cops remove their uniforms and wear plainclothes in his courtroom, writes the New York Daily News. The motion came yesterday in a highly publicized Staten Island trial where Ronell Wilson is accused of killing two undercover police officers during a gun bust. His lawyers filed a motion asking the judge to compel the police officers ringing the room to remove their uniforms and the supporters of the slain officers to remove their buttons that refer to the slain officers. In the motion, his lawyers wrote: "He is the only defendant on trial, and displays of remembrance of the victims imply solidarity with the prosecution of their accused killer and a belief that he is guilty."

 

REFUND RECOUP RUMBLE RECESSED 
A federal judge just made more than 230,000 Medicare recipients very happy. U.S. District Judge Henry H. Kennedy, Jr., yesterday ordered the government agency to stop trying to recoup $50 million it doled out in erroneous refunds for Medicare recipients. The agency had set a September 30th deadline for recipients to return the funds, but Kennedy issued a preliminary injunction that scotched the ultimatum. According to The New York Times, the judge ruled that "the administration could not enforce that demand unless it first gave beneficiaries an opportunity to seek an exemption." The government's lawyers have not decided if they will appeal the decision. The injunction also ordered the agency to write all the Medicare recipients involved in the error and explain that the refund could not proceed without an exemption mechanism.

The System Is the Crime

By Jesse Sunenblick

Posted 09-29-06 

 
Litigators sure seem to think the world of Judge Judith Gische — even those whom she's ruled against. The problem is that New York state's wretched judicial election system can make even a luminary of the bench appear to be conflicted.

 
Even if a judge is putatively brilliant, the particulars of his or her excellence can be overshadowed by surrounding failures that are essentially systemic. Witness Judith Gische, the Manhattan judge known for presiding over Rudolph Giuliani’s divorce case.

By various accounts Gische, 50, is “just plain smart,” “understanding of the issues,” “rational,” “caring of her job,” and “engaged and prepared and very thoughtful.”

“Practically every member of the matrimonial bar has appeared before Judith Gische,” said Raoul Lionel Felder, the divorce attorney for Giuliani. The former mayor was ordered in 2002 by Gische to pay his ex-wife, Donna Hanover, more than $6 million (plus yield their upper East Side apartment.) The settlement came after 18 months of courtroom acrimony.

Yet notwithstanding that outcome, Felder, now the chair of the state Commission on Judicial Conduct, contributed $3,000 to Gische’s uncontested run for Civil Court in 2003, according to state Board of Elections records. The donation equaled the biggest among the more than $61,000 in contributions that Gische raised.

According to binding rules set by the Office of Court Administration’s Judicial Campaign Ethics Center, judges should not learn who their donors are. But judges are also prohibited from taking contributions from parties who “may reasonably be expected to come before the candidate if elected” or parties who “have come before the candidate so recently that it manifests an appearance of impropriety.”

Which raises a tidy little question: How are judges supposed to prevent courtroom appearances by donors whose identities they’re not supposed to know in the first place?

“I would say that there is no statute or promulgated rule that prohibits a judge or a judicial candidate from knowing his or her contributors,” said Robert Tembeckjian, administrator and counsel for the judicial conduct commission. “This is a practice based on an advisory opinion from the state bar association from the 1970’s.”

In reality, said Hofstra University School of Law ethics professor Monroe Freedman, “whoever is close enough to the judge to be handling the campaign and the financing is very likely to let the judge know. And the lawyers are likely to let the judge know, more or less subtly, that they have helped out. I don’t trust this kind of system. Some people might say I’m a cynic, some might say I’m a realist.”

Referring to Felder’s contribution, Gische’s treasurer, attorney David B. Karel, said, “Judges don’t know who’s contributing to their campaigns. I never told her who contributed how much money. I think there are some attorneys who have such a belief in the judicial system that they feel the money is well spent. It’s commendable that somebody would make a large contribution to a candidate, despite the fact that the candidate will not know who contributed to their campaign.”

When asked if she knew the identities of any of her donors — many of them matrimonial attorneys — Gische was emphatic. “I can’t, I wouldn’t, and I don’t. I’ve raised money, and I have an independent treasurer. But it’s a blind process. I’m not supposed to know, and I don’t know.”

In fact, at least three of Gische's donors with contributions listed at the board of elections litigated before her shortly before or after she won reelection. The appearance by Allen Mayefsky (who gave $250) was confirmed by a staff member at his office. The appearances by the other two, Bernard E. Clair ($500) and Joel B. Mayer ($150), are on record at the New York County Supreme Court’s Trial Support Office.

But is this an impropriety, or an absurd contradiction within the system?

“If not lawyers, then who would contribute to campaigns?” said Gische. “I don’t think the general voting public would be making contributions to judicial elections.”

In terms of jurisprudence, Gische garnered a reputation for independent-minded diligence in the Matrimonial Part, where she sat from 1997 until 2005.

A cauldron of emotions — and, in Manhattan, media attention — the Matrimonial Part often produces decisions in heavily contested custody cases that revolve around “expert” reports on the parties and the children prepared by forensic psychiatrists.

“In the past, judges have rubber-stamped these reports too much,” said Donald Frank, a matrimonial lawyer at Blank Rome with more than 35 years of experience. “It used to be that whatever the forensic said, a judge did. I think Gische understood that whatever is said is not empirical or scientific. I think she did a good job making up her own mind, not abdicating her ultimate role by what the experts say.”
 
In the cases Frank tried before Gische, he said, “she had keen insight into the parties, and what the dynamics were in the marriage. Let’s face it: The Matrimonial Part is not the easiest court to sit in day after day, year after year. . . but lawyers have always enjoyed appearing before her. They always felt they were being accorded respect and listened to.”

Raised in Bayside, Queens, Gische grew up in a “pretty working class” neighborhood.  “My parents had middle class values,” she said. “They were very pro-education.” Her father worked as a cutter and factory foreman in the garment business, and at one point had his own custom blinds business, while Gische’s mother was a bookkeeper. 

Gische received her undergraduate degree and law degree from the State University of New York at Buffalo. She then spent two years as a clerk at the Appellate Division, Third Department, and eight years after that at Richenthal, Abrams & Moss, a firm that specialized in real estate and commercial matters.

In 1990, Gische responded to an advertisement in the New York Law Journal seeking nominees for Housing Court judgeships. She submitted an application and ultimately was appointed, after successfully navigating bar association and various screening panels and getting the nod from Deputy Supervising Judge Fern Fisher.

“Doesn’t every lawyer want to be a judge?” Gische said, with the kind of humility admirers often point out. “I thought it was a good career move, but I was very uncertain my application would go anywhere.”

In 1993, Gische was elected to Civil Court in Manhattan, but four years later Administrative Judge Jacqueline Silbermann offered a promotion, asking Gische to help organize the Bronx Civil Term’s Matrimonial Part, which was lagging administratively. Thus began an eight-year tenure as an Acting Supreme Court Justice handling matrimonial cases.

After she learned she would face no opponent in 2003, Gische filed papers to campaign for the Supreme Court. She became eligible after being approved twice within four years by the Democratic Party’s screening panel.

But she withdrew her name from consideration shortly before the party’s convention when it became clear, according to her consultant, Jerry Skurnik, that among district leaders “she was nobody’s first choice” for the two vacancies in Manhattan.

If politics prevented an excellent judge from moving up the career ladder, in many ways Gische’s move to the General IAS Part is a return to what she knows best.  Asked if the move required any brushing up on procedure, Gische said, “Everything. I’m always learning. A lot of labor law accident cases, I’ve had to learn that. And insurance cases. I’m always looking at the law.”

As for pet peeves, Gische described herself as a time freak. “I like timeliness. It shows consideration for other people who are part of the trial process. Particularly when you have a jury.”

Since her move to IAS, Gische has garnered praise for her handling of other cases. In Gherghinoiu v. ATCO Properties and Management Inc., which revolved around an issue of “special employment” in a worker’s compensation case, Gische denied defendant’s attorney Gail Ritzert’s motion to dismiss.

 
Yet Ritzert offered praise: “She was prepared. Every time we went before her — motions or conferences — she was familiar with the case and background. She did her homework.”

In a recent civil rights case in which an Orthodox Jew sued California photographer Philip Lorca diCorcia for taking his picture without permission and then hanging it in a gallery, Gische impressed diCorcia’s attorney, Los Angeles corporate litigator Lawrence Barth. “It was a motion for summary judgment, and she gave us about an hour to argue, which I thought was generous. She was interested and engaged, and had obviously read the briefs thoroughly.”

“It was a fascinating case,” said Gische. “The balancing of what constitutes privacy, which is important in our society, and the First Amendment rights of artists is a delicate balance. You don’t often have cases that bring issues like that together that frame the fabric of our society, define who we are as a society. I think the proof of this was, there wasn’t a lot of case law out there for me to depend upon and reach a conclusion in this issue.”

On a more controversial note, in 2003, the New York Daily News and New York Law Journal reported on Gische’s role in overseeing the initial guardianship hearing that ultimately led to a scandal involving Brooklyn Supreme Court Justice Michael Garson. (His brother Gerald, who faces bribery charges in an unrelated case, said this week that he would not take a plea deal.)

Currently suspended with pay, Michael Garson stands accused of using his power-of-attorney on behalf of his elderly aunt, Sarah Gershenoff, to steal hundreds of thousands of dollars from her. Gische presided over one part of the dispute and approved a settlement that the Law Journal described as “apparently favorable to the Garson wing.”

Equally at issue, however, was Gische’s decisions to seal the court record and refrain from reporting Garson’s alleged wrongdoing to the judicial conduct commission.

“If she’s a judge, she’s an officer of the law,” said Freedman, the Hofstra ethics professor. “She became aware in the course of a proceeding that there was at the very least a strong appearance of felonious conduct, certainly unethical conduct, and . . . at the very least she should not have covered it up by sealing the record and not having it investigated by a prosecutor or a judicial ethics body.”

“That’s an opinion I’d expect from a professor,” said attorney Robert Kruger, whom Gische appointed to the role of financial guardian in the case. “In the practical world, people’s behavior can depart from the norm or a professor’s notion of what the norm should be. A professor is in a cocoon. I think their opinions are worthless.”

In fact, Gische said, her main responsibility was to decide whether Ms. Gershenoff needed a guardian and then to appoint an independent party to serve that role, whose responsibility it was to investigate any claims Ms. Gershenoff might have had against anybody.

“I had had a bunch of squabbling family members who were raising extravagant allegations back and forth,” Gische said. “I hadn’t made any findings, all I had were the allegations. There was nothing at that point that would have risen to the level that would have required me to report something to the Commission on Judicial Conduct.”

“If every time somebody raises an allegation I have to send it to some grievance committee, then I would have been sending out all my cases. I think it has to rise to a level of substantial evidence, and we never got that far. I think what I did — I facilitated an investigation of the allegations by somebody independent. Just because I didn’t send it to the [judicial conduct] commission doesn’t mean I didn’t deal with it in a serious way, including not taking no for an answer of Garson’s claim that he couldn’t get the documents.”

As for sealing the file, Gische noted that she did do so “by consent of all of the parties, adversarial parties, I might add.”

She continued, alluding to the state mental hygiene law that deals with the appointment of guardians for incapacitated people. “In part — and this issue comes to light all the time, in the Brooke Astor case, for example — when you have these Article 81s that involve very sensitive information regarding elderly people with certain medical information, you don’t want to thrust it into the public.”

In terms of statistical performance evaluation, Gische can definitely point to good numbers. According to the Office of Court Administration, in 2005 Gische’s backlog stood at 13.6 months — five months under the Manhattan Civil Terms’s average for that time period.

Between 2000 and 2005, appellate courts reversed or modified Gische 16 times. Her reversal rate was 26.7 percent, compared to an average of 36.7 for her colleagues in the Manhattan Civil Term.

“Honestly, Judith Gische is one of the most extraordinary people I’ve ever known,” said longtime matrimonial attorney Norman Sheresky, a $250 donor to Gische’s 2003 Civil Court campaign whose colleague at Sheresky Aronson & Mayefsky, Allen Mayefsky, was among the donors who appeared before Gische near the time of his own contribution. (Five of the firm’s 11 lawyers donated to Gische’s campaign.)

“I think she cares, really cares, about what’s in front of her,” continued Sheresky. “In fact, she might be the least pre-judgmental judge I’ve ever appeared before. You find good judges everywhere, but the percentage of highly knowledgeable judges is probably less in matrimonial. Everything’s an emergency that has to be handled: The light’s been turned out; the husband took the kids away; I’m about to be evicted . . . there’s one emergency after another.”

In the weird interplay between a widely respected judge and the shabby election system that surrounds her, handicapping Sheresky’s sincerity is not easy. But he provided at least one anecdote that transcended the obsequious.

“I’ll never forget,” he said. “I had a trial in front of her. Just before lunch, I objected to some testimony — I said it was confidential communications between husband and wife, under the New York statute, one of the finer points of matrimonial law. I don’t think she’d been in the part more than a couple of weeks. And she said, ‘Oh, let me look at that over lunch.’ She came back and she said, ‘You know, Mr. Sharesky, that was really interesting. Your motion is denied.’ She knew the statute perfectly by the end of lunch.”

Ballot Watcher: A Real Race

By Jason Boog

Posted 09-29-06

Hey — look over there at what they're doing on Staten Island. They're holding a real, live, competitive race for a seat on the bench. Who ever heard of such a thing?

 

In a Civil Court election desert that is virtually bereft of competitive races among the big boroughs, Staten Island resembles an oasis of democracy. Civil Court candidates in Brooklyn and Manhattan could relax after receiving the judge-making primary nod from the Democratic Party — Queens and the Bronx had no Civil Court primaries this year — but two Richmond County candidates have only begun to fight.

 

This November, attorney Mary K. Dollard faces off against former Family Court judge Ralph Porzio, competing to fill an island-wide seat on the Civil Court. “Staten Island doesn’t always follow party lines,” explained Porzio. “For us, essentially it’s an all-or-nothing election.”


Unlike the Democratic Party’s monopoly in Brooklyn or Manhattan, Staten Island’s political structure hinges on five parties with pockets of control. Candidates are allowed to receive multiple endorsements.

While Dollard did not return calls for an interview, her campaign consultant, Ernest Lendler helped illuminate the race. Lendler is the head of the consultancy firm Branford Communications, and he’s handled scores of political races around New York.  

Lendler painted the Staten Island political map in a few strokes: “The south shore has a Republican bias, and the north shore has a Democratic bias. It swings back and forth. Staten Island voted for Reagan, but they also voted for Kerry. These are real elections.”

The race divided logically before the primary: Porzio secured the endorsement of the Republican and Conservative parties, while Dollard had nods from the Democratic and Working Family parties.

Dollard bested Porzio, however, in a close primary battle for the Independent Party, winning the nod by fewer than one hundred votes. That imprimatur could bring Dollard a few hundred extra votes. (Note: The margin in the 2005 borough president race was about 4000 votes.)

Newly archived financial disclosure forms at the state Board of Elections also provide insight.

According to filings at the state Board of Elections, the Committee To Elect Kim Dollard Civil Court Judge has raised $82,779, and the Committee to Elect Judge Ralph Porzio for Civil Court has raised $24,111.

As of the mid-September filing, Porzio’s committee had spent $10,451, leaving less than $14,000 remaining in his campaign coffers. “We’re a volunteer campaign here,” he said, noting that his treasurer and campaign manager are working pro bono.

On the other hand, Dollard had spent $24,500 on her campaign — leaving $58,000 for her fight. Her consultant Lendler saw many more expenses in the future: “We’ll do mail, newspaper and cable advertisements,” he said. “And lawn signs. On Staten Island, you must have lawn signs, otherwise people don’t believe that you’re really a candidate.”

So far this year, the committees for Dollard and Porzio have filed four out of the six required forms that the Board of Elections uses to keep track of campaigns. According to the campaign financial disclosure form for local filers, they will file additional reports pre-election, and post-election.

According to Lendler, Staten Island counts four Civil Court seats. While there is a “real election” for this Civil Court open spot this year, the candidates are hobbled by a maze of campaign ethics guidelines for judges, preventing them from holding any sort of political platform.

The 2006 Judicial Campaign Ethics Handbook states: “Campaign materials may include a truthful, dignified discussion of the candidate’s qualifications and the qualifications of his/her opponent(s), but may not, in the guise of discussing qualifications, make a prohibited statement as to positions on disputed legal or political issues.”


Accordingly, both candidates only stress past legal experience in interviews and avoid politically charged statements. Compared to the rabid rhetoric fired off in campaigns for other offices around the state, these judicial races can seem hollow and tame.

While he wouldn’t discuss politics, Porzio admitted that these close races are rare for judicial elections in New York state, Staten Island included. Richmond County is part of the Second Judicial District — the Supreme Court district with 52 authorized Supreme Court spots, all controlled and selected by the Democratic Party in Brooklyn.

“As a Republican, it would be very difficult to run as a Supreme Court candidate on Staten Island. You couldn’t win,” said Porzio, hoping that someday the state legislature will grant Staten Island it’s own unique status as an independent judicial district.

“We have a half million people out here, we deserve our own judicial district.”

 

The Reversal Report for 09-29-06

By Mark Thompson
Posted 09-29-06 

 
New York County Justice Faviola A. Soto has kept a dubious streak alive. For the fourth month in a row, the appellate department has reversed or modified one of her decisions. In fact, Justice Faviola has had a ruling reversed or partially overturned at least once in every month except January and May since the start of the year.

The most recent appellate rebuke came September 26 in the case of Paul O'Reilly-Hyland v. Liberty Management & Construction Ltd. In an architectural malpractice and breach of contract action, she upheld a jury verdict awarding the plaintiffs $167,998 for breach of contract while handing the defendant $160,171 on its counterclaim. The appellate department found that the award to the plaintiff was based on a fair interpretation of the evidence, but the judgment on the counterclaim was excessive. The defendant had asked for just $112,749.99, and the award approved by Soto should not have exceeded the amount sought, the appellate judges declared.

Soto’s unbroken string of monthly appellate setbacks through the summer began June 15 when the appellate department modified a decision in which she dismissed causes of action in a suit filed by Duane Reade stores against an allegedly shoddy contractor.

Soto was struck two times in the following week, first on June 20  for awarding damages to an intoxicated woman who was hit by a bus and two days later for denying a defendant’s motion to dismiss a defamation suit.

In July, Soto was reversed for denying a defendant’s motion to vacate a default judgment, despite the fact that, as the appellate division saw it, the defendant had a good excuse for the default and a meritorious case.

On August 3, Soto was reversed for denying a defendant’s motion to dismiss a suit against the city in a contract dispute. And on August 31, the appellate department modified a discovery order entered by Soto in a suit against a school district that had allegedly ignored indications that one of its teachers was sexually abusing students.

For how many months can Soto keep his streak alive? We’ll keep you posted.

 
OTHER NOTABLE REVERSALS 
NEW YORK COUNTY
Speaking of multiple reversals, Justice Walter B. Tolub was overturned twice on September 26. In one case, he found that a “production estimate” describing a photo assignment was a binding contract between a shoe company and the plaintiff, a photographer named Nicola Majocchi. In Stockland Martel, Inc. v. Donald J. Pliner of Florida Inc., the appellate department disagreed on grounds that there was no indication of mutual assent to all of the material terms, without which there can be no enforceable contract. A company official initialed part of the document, but only to indicate that the price estimate for the photo shoot was within budget.

 
In the other case, Justice Tolub concluded that the plaintiff, a tenant in a building at 236 West 40th Street, was the new rightful owner of the building pursuant to a right of first refusal. The appellate department, however, in Philippine American Lace Corp. v. 236 West 40th Street Corp., found that the defendant, which had recently purchased the property, was never informed by the seller about the right of first refusal, nor was it mentioned in the plaintiff’s lease.

Justice Helen C. Sturm ordered Noelle Penraat, the biological mother of two boys, to pay $958.33 per month in child support to their adoptive mother, Alexis D. Frazier, following the breakup of the pair’s 14-year same-sex relationship. The appellate department recalculated assets and income and, in Frazier v. Penratt (Sept. 26), reduced Penraat’s support obligation to $600 a month.

Justice Sherry Klein Heitler concluded that Rhona Silverman, a former associate attorney in the law firm of Bruce G. Clark & Associates, had a viable defamation claim against the firm and its principal for sending denigrating letters to clients she was allegedly trying to poach. The firm told them they might want to know that she had won only two cases while losing four in her three-and-half years with the firm. Moreover, the firm told them, she was so hard up for money that she couldn’t afford a decent answering machine and therefore might be overly eager to settle their cases for quick cash. The appellate department, in Silverman v. Clark (Sept. 26), concluded that Justice Heitler should have dismissed the complaint because Silverman neglected to take a necessary step in a motion to dismiss a defamation claim: an offer of proof that the disparaging statements about her were false.

Justice Milton A. Tingling allowed Toby and Cannon Stamm to proceed to trial to seek damages for psychological injuries that they claimed were a result of an auto accident 20 years earlier. They were toddlers strapped into the backseat of their family’s car when it was struck in the rear by the defendant’s car, crippling the passenger in the front seat, their mother. The appellate judges agreed that the boys very well might have been emotionally damaged by the experience of growing up with a disabled mother. But the judges explained in Stamm v. PHH Vehicle Management Services, LLC, (Sept. 26), that in order to recover for an alleged emotional injury based on the “zone of danger” theory of liability, the boys would need to prove that their injuries stemmed directly from their observation of the accident, a connection they were unable to make, given that they admittedly barely remembered the tragic crash.


QUEENS COUNTY
Judge Martin Schulman was struck down twice in one day — in each case for prematurely sending a plaintiff with a personal injury claim packing. In one case, he dismissed Sharonell Herring’s complaint seeking damages for injuries she allegedly sustained when she tripped on a crack in a parking lot, a hazard the judge deemed trivial. In Herring v. Lefrak Organization (Sept. 19), the appellate department pointed out that whether a defective condition is trivial or not depends on the particular facts and circumstances of each case. In this case, Herring was carrying her three-year-old son in her arms while fleeing from a pit bull. Under that circumstance, as the appellate judges saw it, the crack loomed much larger than it otherwise might have, so the plaintiff deserved a day in court against the owner of the parking lot.

 
In the other case, stemming from a two-vehicle car crash, Justice Schulman tossed out a complaint filed by Thomas M. Connors. Since he was driving the vehicle that struck the other in the rear, the driver of the car he hit, Clotilde Sepulveda, could hardly be blamed for the accident, Justice Schulman reasoned.  However, the appellate department, in Thomas v. Flaherty (Sept. 19), found that the presumption that usually attaches fault to the driver who strikes another in the rear was overcome in this case by Sepulveda’s admission that moments before the crash she had made an illegal U-turn into Connors’s lane. The appellate judges concluded that it would take a trial to decide who was at fault.

Justice Joseph P. Dorsa concluded that a cooperative in Forest Hills is violating the state’s antitrust law, the Donnelly Act, by giving Austin Sheppard Realty an effective monopoly over the sale of shares. The appellate department disagreed, noting in Benjamin of Forest Hills Realty, Inc. v. Austin Sheppard Realty, Inc. (Sept. 19), that while the plaintiff, a broker who was shut out of doing business with the co-op, might have lost a few commissions because of the co-op’s exclusive relationship with Austin Sheppard, that hardly amounts to an injury to Benjamin Realty’s ability to compete in the market as a whole; thus, the broker has no claim under the statute.

Justice Simeon Golar agreed with State Farm that the “earth movement” exclusion in its policy spared the insurer from liability for damage that occurred when earth disappeared from beneath a building owned by policyholder Deborah Lee. The appellate department, however, in Lee v. State Farm Fire & Casualty Co. (Sept. 19), concluded that State Farm’s policy unambiguously covered Lee’s loss. The exclusion defines earth movement as “sinking, rising, shifting, expanding, or contracting of earth” and in this case, the earth did none of those things but instead receded from underneath Lee’s dwelling because of an excavation on an adjacent parcel.

Justice Jaime Rios allowed the New York City Transit Authority to go ahead with condemnation proceedings that would force the Long Island Rail Road to give up use of tracks on a parcel of land in Maspeth where the transit agency intended to construct a bus depot and maintenance facility. The appellate department, however, concluded in Matter of Metropolitan Transit Authority (Sept. 19) that the state courts have no authority over the condemnation proceeding because it is preempted by the federal the Interstate Commerce Commission Termination Act of 1995.


KINGS COUNTY
Justice Stewart Weinstein denied a motion to suppress a gun that a juvenile, identified in the ruling as Emmanuel O., dropped as he fled into a building from undercover officers who asked him if he lived there. In Matter of Emmanuel O.(Sept. 19), the appellate department concluded that even if the officers, who were called to the building by a complaint about a raucous party, had a credible reason to initiate the encounter with Emmanuel in the first place, the fact that he responded by opening the inner door of the vestibule and running inside was insufficient, under the circumstances, to give rise to a reasonable suspicion that he was engaged in criminal activity. So Weinstein erred in admitting the gun as evidence in the delinquency proceeding.

Justice Martin Solomon dismissed a claim against the New York City school district filed on behalf of a child who was beaten up by another student. The appellate division, on the other hand, thought there was enough evidence of prior violent behavior on the part of the student who committed the assault, including a recent fight with the victim who is pursuing this claim, that the attack should have been foreseen by the school. Thus, the court concluded in McLeod v. City of New York (Sept. 19) that the plaintiff is entitled to a trial to prove that the school district was liable for failing to take steps to prevent the attack.

The Moral Compass: Electoral Carnage

Posted 09-29-06 

 
Electing judges seems in and of itself antithetical to the idea of judicial independence. Why do we elect judges in the first place? Can this method of judicial selection work without compromising the integrity of the profession?


The popular election of judges in the United States was one of the populist reforms championed by Andrew Jackson in the early 19th century. The appointment of judges up to that point had often reflected the spoils system and party patronage, and the prestige of the bench had declined because judges were appointed based on service to the party rather than based on merit. The hope was that popular election would prevent party leaders from dictating the composition of the bench. New York was one of 19 states to implement judicial elections during the early 1800s.


Ironically, the popular elections merely ushered in another type of patronage. The pressure points have simply  been shifted, such that judicial wannabes cannot now get onto the ballot without the support of party leaders. At the state Supreme Court level, that might well change with the advent of federally mandated open primaries, but the powers that be in Albany still have to weigh in on rebuilding that system. In any event judges are currently still beholden to the party bosses, and they remain so after election, encouraged by the system to appease political leaders whenever they near re-election. In this way, many would argue that judicial elections very much compromise the independence of the bench.


Another controversy surrounding judicial elections is the fundraising necessary to conduct a campaign. Lawyers and large law firms are the parties most vested in the outcome of judicial elections; therefore, lawyers and corporations are most often the parties who contribute to the campaigns of judicial candidates. If judges rely on these campaign contributions to run their campaigns, what are we to make of their relationship to contributors who subsequently appear before them in court?


Ethics guidelines are designed at least partly to allay the effects that the political system has on the impartiality and integrity of the judiciary. In New York, Part 100.5 of the Rules Governing Judicial Conduct sets the guidelines and restrictions that are placed on the political activity of judges and judicial candidates.

 

Judicial campaigns are supposed to be much less partisan than those run by non-judicial candidates for office. For instance, judges are not allowed to personally solicit funds for their campaigns, and they are not permitted to make any promise to decide cases a certain way if elected. Judges are also not supposed to know who contributes to their campaigns, and if they do find out, they are under an obligation to recuse themselves if that party comes before them and they feel that this knowledge will compromise their impartiality on the bench. Judicial candidates are further prohibited during their campaigns from donating money to any political party or candidate (other than to attend political events that cost $250 per ticket or less).

 

Quid pro quo is, at least in theory, prohibited.

 

Judges are required to recuse themselves if an attorney who is actively involved in fund-raising for their campaign comes before them during the campaign, and this recusal is mandatory, subject to remittal, for two years following the campaign if the attorney held a leadership or on-going role in the judge's campaign fund-raising activities. Judges are also expected to exercise the appropriate discretion to recuse themselves in any case where they doubt their ability to remain impartial. This last rule will cover any case in which a party involved in getting the judge elected might appear before the judge — a sort of catch-all that is meant to correct for cases where the nature of judicial elections might compromise the ability of the judge to remain impartial and independent. The idea is that the public is choosing someone to exercise the proper discretion in these cases.


The nature of judicial elections and the involvement of judges in political campaigns certainly creates a situation that might jeopardize the independence and the non-partisan nature of the judiciary. However, recent initiatives in New York seek to allay this problem, and include mandatory campaign ethics training for judicial candidates and a hotline that will answer the questions of judicial candidates in need of ethics advice. Judges face disciplinary action, once on the bench, if they fail to comply with their obligations while running for office. These resources at least make judges and judicial candidates more aware of their ethical obligations and more likely to comply.

 

Or so we hope. 


 

Electioneering

By John Ennis

Posted: 09-29-06

 
The New York State Board of Elections publishes all contributions to any judicial campaign that has raised more than $1,000. Their Supreme Court database goes back to 1999. IJS has analyzed the contributions for all the judges currently sitting on the Supreme Court in the five boroughs of New York City. Here are the judges who have raised more than $25,000 since 1999:

 

Barbara Irolla Panepinto*   $84,751.00

Judith Gische*                $65,820.67

Douglas E. McKeon         $54,085.00

Barbara R. Kapnick          $46,278.00

Richard F. Braun              $43,746.05

James G. Starkey            $42,480.00

Rosalyn Richter                $39,906.91

Doris Ling-Cohan              $37,563.00

Louis B. York                   $36,516.00

Martin Schneier                $34,859.87

Patricia M. Di Mango        $33,423.00

Carol Robinson Edmead    $27,819.54

Arthur M. Schack             $26,603.00

Barry Salman                   $25,505.00

Robert J. Gigante             $25,500.00

Laura Jacobson                $25,407.29

Philip Straniere*               $25,003.00

 

* Money was raised while running for Civil Court, but the judge is currently an Acting Supreme Court justice.

 
Source: New York State Board of Elections

 
Some notes:

 

Louis York’s campaign was self-financed. No other judge contributed more than 10% to the funding of their election bid.

 

Panepinto and Straniere are running this November, so their totals might continue to rise.

 
Supreme Court terms are 14 years. Secondly, many Acting Supreme Court justices have never run for office. Therefore, only 84 of the 300+ judges currently on the Supreme Court have received more than $1,000 in contributions since 1999.  The median total among these 84 is approximately $9,500.

 
Now that the Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit has affirmed Lopez-Torres vs. New York State Board of Elections, these totals could soon seem quaint.

September 28, 2006

LexPress: Junior's Favorite Judge

By Jason Boog

Posted 09-27-06 

 

Why federal court was mobbed, how Garson will fight, when moguls miss court dates, and what the high court docket augurs for the coming year.

 

MISSED TRIAL

In the biggest ruling of the day, U.S. District Judge Shira Scheindlin gave John Gotti, Jr., a third mistrial yesterday, and it seems likely prosecutors won’t try to bring the former mobster back to court. The jury had deadlocked 6-6 on charges of witness tampering, the last charge prosecutors needed in order to send Gotti back to jail. We always go straight to the New York Daily News for mob news, and they didn’t disappoint with Gotti’s glowing assessment of his judge: "She is the difference between a fair trial and a railroad job. God bless her." The trial has captivated New Yorkers since 2004, when federal prosecutors tried to send Gotti back to prison after he served seven years on a plea bargained sentence. The highly publicized legal battle cost Gotti a cool million.

 

GARSON WILL FIGHT
An allegedly crooked ex-judge will defend himself in court, rather than accept a 16-month plea deal for his part in the biggest scandal to rock the New York state judiciary in years. According to the New York Post, this was the final deal that prosecutors offered to ex-Brooklyn Supreme Court judge Gerald Garson. Garson's bribery and corruption charges stemmed from a large-scale investigation into the Brooklyn judiciary — revealing questionable actions by Garson and members of his politically connected family. Prosecutors hope for a November trial date, but his lawyer said that Garson’s health problems could delay the trial. His lawyer Ronald Fischetti told the Post, "sixteen months is a long time for a 74-year-old man."

STRESS TEST
Supreme Court justice Carol Robinson Edmead refused to let a fast-food mogul off the hook, the New York Law Journal reports. Citing clinical anxiety, Nicholas Lagono, Jr., had requested that Edmead use his deposition testimony instead of having the owner of the Blimpie sandwich empire testify in an unpaid rent dispute in Manhattan. The owner is a deposed witness and not a defendant in the case, but Lagono didn’t show up for two trial conferences during the last year. Edmead held a special hearing to consider his lawyer’s claims that his extreme anxiety should keep the owner out of the courtroom. "Although testifying in court may be stressful for Mr. Lagano, as it may be for many witnesses, there is no testimony indicating that his appearance to testify in court is life-threatening or that Mr. Lagano is 'incompetent,’” wrote Edmead.


THE RECKONING
The New York Times took a scholarly look at the U.S. Supreme Court today, probing the court calendar with legal experts. Legal scholars and lawyers all agreed that this would be a landmark year for the court, testing President Bush’s two new appointees and the new political balance on the country's highest bench. Tom Goldstein, a lawyer who has appeared before the U.S. Supreme Court many times, noted, “The term is going to be a bellwether on the shift in the court's ideology. The court is revisiting a series of profound issues.” According to the article, the Supreme Court will soon hear cases involving environmental regulation, abortion, and affirmative action plans in public schools — issues that have divided the court for years.

September 27, 2006

LexPress: Preside and Conquer

By Lily Henning

Posted 09-27-06

 

A report about internecine warfare in the appellate division, another depressing dispatch on New York's Podunk justice, and the Manhattan DA's office takes a beating. 

 

PRESIDE AND CONQUER
Daniel Wise in The New York Law Journal reports that John Buckley, presiding judge of the First Department Appellate Division, will stick around until the end of the year. Which in itself might not seem like news. But the story is really about Judge James McGuire, who joined the bench a year ago and wants the presiding judge post. Accused by anonymous court colleagues of being “confrontational” and “abrasive”, McGuire is a close favorite of Governor George Pataki, for whom he was counsel. A frequent dissenter, McGuire is blamed by critics for slowing down the court’s disposition rate — but lauded by supporters for improving the court’s “deliberative character.”

KANGAROO COURTS, PART 3
The last in a series of three articles in The New York Times on town and village courts in New York appears today. William Glaberson gives us a historical overview of the courts and attempts at reform, opening with a quote from Franklin Delano Roosevelt — when he was governor — about the sorry state of New York’s courts. The two earlier articles in the series “Broken Bench” are on the paper’s list of top ten most emailed stories today . . . (The Times also devotes a lengthy effort to looking at the “colorful but largely overlooked career” of Vincent “Vinny Gorgeous” Basciano. The one-time acting boss of the Bonanno organized crime family, Basciano is accused of putting a hit on Judge Nicholas Garaufis, who sits on the federal district court in Manhattan.)

 

JUSTICE DELAYED, DA FLAYED
Manhattan Supreme Court Judge Bonnie Wittner dismissed charges yesterday against Thomas Morales, one of the men indicted in the infamous 1990 murder of a bouncer at the Palladium nightclub. Wittner ruled that Morales, who was indicted in April 2005, had not been accorded his right to a speedy trial, reports the New York Sun (and others.) Convictions of two other men in the same case were overturned, and DA Robert M. Morgenthau's office comes in for some throttling along the way. the Sun also reports that institutional investors in Wendy’s are asking a New York Supreme Court judge to stop the chain from spinning off its baked goods and  coffee chain, called Tim Hortons. Wait – Wendy’s and croissants? And for some reason reporter Matthew Chayes keeps the presiding judge’s name a mystery.

 

September 26, 2006

LexPress: Kinder, Gentler Court

By Lily Henning

Posted 09-26-06 

The latest in smoothing the justice system's rough edges, and reports on why Saddam's in more trouble — while Liza's in less. 

 

A KINDER, GENTLER COURT
Today’s edition of The New York Law Journal has a look at a new court part in Suffolk County that’s the first of its kind in the country. The guardianship part in is the latest in a growing body of specialized courts in New York. Like a handful of other specialized courts in the state, this one integrates pending cases that involve one person before a single judge. Established in response to complaints about the experiences of people involved in guardianship cases, the court’s layout is designed to make court a friendlier experience, especially for the elderly. Supreme Court Judge Patrick Leis III, Suffolk County's administrative judge, presides there.

CONTROLLING LEGAL AUTHORITY?
Judge Mohammed al-Ureybi tried to keep an already tenuous hold on his courtroom today, ejecting Saddam Hussein from his genocide trial again. It’s the third day that al-Ureybi has thrown Hussein out of the courtroom. Reuters, via The New York Times, noted that “chaos reined” in the court following the firing of the chief judge in the case last week. The chaos extends to reports on the bench itself. We’re a little confused, for example, about who is presiding as chief judge in the case now. The AP reports, within an hour of Reuters and also via the Times, that it was Chief Judge Mohammed Oreibi al-Khalifa who ejected Hussein.)


UPDATES
Briefly in Manhattan Supreme Court: Five female Emergency Medical Service captains, according to the New York Post, are filing a sex discrimination suit in Manhattan Supreme Court today, claiming that the FDNY tried to prevent them from advancing in their careers . . .  Judge Jane Solomon (whose profile is on the homepage of Judicial Reports right now) threw out the $10 million civil suit filed against entertainer Liza Minelli by her estranged husband. Solomon accepted Minelli’s doctors’ explanation in court, according to an AP dispatch, that David Gest’s headaches were caused by a type of herpes, not by physical abuse by Minelli.

SPHERE OF INFLUENCE 
A woman who tried to influence a juror in a trial in Mineola civil trial should not have been found guilty of contempt of court, according to a ruling by the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit reported in The New York Law Journal. The woman approached a juror in a cafeteria nine floors away from the courtroom, and because of that distance, her interaction with the juror can’t be considered to have disrupted proceedings.

 
LEXBLOG: REHEATED LEFTOVERS
Over at the New York Observer's Politicker blog, Azi Paybarah warms up campaign finance leftovers in the 2006 Attorney General race. Candidates Mark Green, Charlie King, and Sean Patrick Maloney all exited the race with over $100,000 burning a hole in their pockets.

These figures matter as campaign consultants consider what might happen if Supreme Court justices are chosen through open primaries next year—$100,000 could become chump change in judicial campaigns.

LEXBLOG: HONORABLE BOB DYLAN? 
After painstakingly analyzing scores of judicial opinions, a law professor discovered that the esoteric folk singer Bob Dylan is the most used (and abused) lyricist in court papers, the Legal Blog Watch noted last week. Enjoy this rare glimpse into the jukebox of justice:

 
"The professor, Alex B. Long of Oklahoma City University School of Law, recently published his findings in an article, '[Insert Song Lyrics Here]: The Uses and Misuses of Popular Music Lyrics in Legal Writing.' He writes that one Dylan lyric, 'You don't need a weatherman to know which way the wind blows,' has virtually become boilerplate in California appellate decisions discussing the need for expert testimony."
 

September 25, 2006

LexPress: The Last Waltz

By Lily Henning

Posted 09-25-06


From the end of the smoke-filled robing room to the beginning of a smoke-stained class action. This edition also includes LexBlog, a digest of judicial news in the blogosphere.

 

THE LAST WALTZ
The last Supreme Court nominating convention for Brooklyn and Staten Island was over in about a half hour flat Friday, The New York Law Journal reports. Brooklyn’s district leaders endorsed candidates for four open seats and one incumbent, Judge William Mastro. One of the open seats was vacated by Judge Michael Garson, who was suspended from the bench and decided not to seek reelection. Reporter Daniel Wise offers very helpful details on the successful candidates and their requisite political backers (and outlines nominating conventions in other boroughs as well.) Meanwhile, here’s a breakdown by the numbers: Minutes for a roster of five candidates to be nominated and elected unanimously by voice vote: three. Delegates participating in the voice vote: 95.  Minutes spent on formalities: 32. Supreme Court seats in New York state: 328.


BUT HOW MANY HAIL MARY’S?
Manhattan Supreme Court Judge Bruce Allen sentenced the disgraced upper East Side priest John Woosley to one-to-four years at Rikers Island. The Daily News is touting its exclusive jailhouse interview with Woosley his first night in jail. The priest (as far as we can tell, he hasn’t been defrocked, and still has the ardent support of Cardinal Egan) arrived in Allen’s court room with a check for $100,000 of the money he’s been ordered to pay back after pilfering from church coffers to support the luxe life. Prosecutors say he stole more than $1 million from the parish, but he only pled guilty to a $50,000 theft.



SMOKING CLASS
The AP reports (via the Albany Times Union) this morning that tens of millions of “light” cigarette smokers won class action status today in a $200 billion lawsuit against tobacco companies alleging deceptive advertising practices. U.S. District Judge Jack Weinstein in Brooklyn was reported a few weeks ago to have expressed skepticism about the feasibility of giving the group class status. But he’s also considered a friendly judge to plaintiffs in this case, given his ruling in a 2004 tobacco suit.

 

COWTOWN COURTROOMS
An expose of sorts appears in the The New York Times  this morning on small-town and rural justice in New York state. Courtrooms that are tiny offices or basements, hearings closed to the public, witnesses not sworn to tell the truth, and judges who aren’t lawyers. The result of a year-long investigation, the story is an in-depth look at a facet of the justice system in New York that’s frequently overlooked. Sometimes scary, mostly sad.

 

CLUBBED
Over at the roundtable blog Room Eight, an insider named Carroll rails against infighting in two Brooklyn Democratic political clubs, making an argument that grassroots candidates need such clubs to stand a chance against well-heeled opponents.


"For progressive grassroots candidates to stand a chance, against well financed candidates, local political clubs need to provide large amounts of street presence for the candidates they endors," they wrote.

 
MIND READER
And as blogger Maurice Gumbs predicted at Room Eight last week before the judicial convention, the Brooklyn and Richmond County Democratic picks for Supreme Court vacancies were Acting Supreme Court justice David Schmidt, and three Civil Court judges: Karen Rothenberg, Jack Battaglia, and Dolores Thomas.

 
Check out the Kings County election summary page for comprehensive coverage.

 
TURMOIL IN THE COURT 
Finally, over at the Daily News political blog The Daily Politics, Ben Smith dug up a blogged essay about how Civil Court judges are chosen, taking us back, once again, to Room Eight: "Oneshirt (an excellent, inside-joke of a pseudonym) makes the interesting, complicated case that Manhattan has illegally many civil court judgeships, something that could cast judicial politics into turmoil."

 
For more information about the judicial selection, check out "Crashing the Gates," an essay exploring the election scene in 2007 with New York consultants. 

 

September 22, 2006

LexPress: Forgive Us Our Sins

By Lily Henning
Posted 09-22-06

 
So did you ever hear the one about the priest who goes golfing? How about the one about Ronald McDonald's Unhappy Meal?

 
Also, look for the debut of LexBlogs, mining the best legal and political websites for gold. Today we talk about judicial conventions and beauty pageants.  

 


SO THIS PRIEST IS OUT GOLFING...
Manhattan Supreme Court Judge Bruce Allen was the recipient of some urgent ministerial pleadings yesterday. Edward Cardinal Egan asked the judge to be lenient with a New York priest who converted the collection plate into a personal fund for “golf vacations and Rolex watches.” Msgr. John Woolsey made a mistake, the Cardinal said, but had been a good priest for 40 years. More than 100 supporters who paraded into guard with Egan agreed. A psychiatrist called by the defense said that Woolsey “grew up dirt poor in upstate New York” and became “entranced by wealth and the trappings of privilege.” Indeed. Allen is scheduled to sentence Woolsey today, the Daily News reports.


PROXY POWER UPHELD
An Appellate Division panel agreed unanimously to halt a constitutional challenge to a law that gives guardians of retarded people power to refuse or end life-sustaining medical treatment for those under their care. The petitioner was a 26-year-old retarded woman, whom three experts said wasn’t able to make health care decisions on her own. The First Department judges said her due process rights hadn’t been violated by the 2002 state law, The New York Law Journal reports.

SIMPLE TWIST OF FAITH
The Post is busy going absolutely nuts over slurs, insults, and other manner of affronts from the likes of Hugo Chavez and Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in this fair city. But the paper did find the time to report that Manhattan Supreme Court Judge Nicholas Garaufis says he’s “agnostic” about the claims of mobster Vincent “Vinny Gorgeous” Basciano’s lawyers that a hit list – which allegedly included the judge – was really just a request to a Santeria priestess. The judge is allowing Basciano visits with his five-year-old son, but not an adult son, Vincent, Jr., who is suspected of helping his father communicate with the mob from jail.

SUPERSUE ME
A Manhattan federal judge ruled that two overweight teens – one from the Bronx – could proceed with their lawsuit against McDonald’s, the Daily News reports. They allege deceptive advertising. The suit has wound through the courts for four years, but Judge Robert Sweet decided that the plaintiffs had “sufficiently described” the injuries they suffered, including obesity and hypertension, from eating the fast food chain’s meals.

 
OF JAGs AND SANDBAGS
It is unconstitutional for Sen. Lindsey Graham, a Republican from South Carolina, to serve as a member of Congress and a military judge at the same time, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Armed Forces in Washington ruled this week. The New York Times reports via the AP that the decision may be appealed to the Supreme Court . . . The Times also reports that a federal judge in D.C. ruled in favor yesterday of Vice President Dick Cheney’s former chief of staff I. Lewis “Scooter” Libby in a request by prosecutors to get classified information in the Valerie (Plame) Wilson case.

 
LEXBLOG: LAST GASP
As the Brooklyn judicial convention convenes, Maurice Gumbs, posting on the political roundtable, Room Eight, angrily attacked his projected winners of the Brooklyn judicial convention—calling party chairman Vito Lopez a traitor.


According to Gumbs, the Brooklyn and Richmond County Democratic picks for Supreme Court will be Acting Supreme Court justice David Schmidt, and three Civil Court judges: Karen Rothenberg, Jack Battaglia, and Dolores Thomas. As you mull over these choices, visit our Kings County election hotsheet for comprehensive coverage.

As we reported last week, these heated discussions will soon become moot as federal judge John Gleeson’s injunction is lifted after the election—compelling the state legislature to build a new judicial selection process.

 
SHADY WIKI-EDITS
In a neat bit of detective work, The New York Times’ Empire Zone blog digs through Wikipedia entries, discovering an interesting connection to New Jersey state Senator Thomas Kean Jr.’s website: “contribution logs show repeated editing of the entry by someone with a uniquely identifiable I.P. address associated with Tom Kean Jr.’s campaign staff.”

Excited about snooping through judicial wiki logs, we discovered that New York state Supreme Court justices have a negligible presence on the online encyclopedia. However, we enjoyed the pages for justices Doris Ling-Cohan and Edwin Torres.

 
JUDICIAL BEAUTY CONTESTS
Over at everybody’s favorite legal tabloid, Above the Law is still tabulating votes in the most pressing issue facing the judiciary this year: Who Is the Paris Hilton of the Federal Judiciary?  No news on how this ruling will affect the respective Wikipedia pages of these judges.

 
"At the current time, Judge Alex Kozinski of the Ninth Circuit -- the reigning male Superhottie of the Federal Judiciary -- has a strong lead. But his colleague on the Ninth Circuit, Judge Kim McLane Wardlaw -- the federal judiciary's #2 Female Superhottie, as well as its #1 Gay Icon -- is running right behind him (her Manolos be damned)."

Experience Preferred?

By John Ennis

Posted on 09-22-06

 

In the wake of Lopez Torres v. New York State Board of Elections, the decision by the U.S. Court of Appeals Second Circuit affirming that New York’s Supreme Court primary selection system is unconstitutional, a debate has emerged on how to approach its reform. One factor often overlooked by the media is judicial experience prior to joining the Supreme Court. This analysis will explore that issue from the eye of the storm: Brooklyn.

 

The state Constitution anachronistically allows for only one elected Supreme Court Justice per 50,000 county residents. Under this parameter, Brooklyn’s population of almost 2.5 million people permits fewer than 50 justices, an inadequate number for a 21st Century legal system, particularly in a major urban area. Through necessity and circumvention, Brooklyn is able to count 80 such jurists by employing the statewide practice of promoting lower court judges to the position of "Acting Supreme Court Justice." So, first, what's the breakdown there?

 

How Brooklyn’s 80 justices earned their Supreme Court assignment:

Elected         44   55%

Acting          28   35%

Certificated     8   10%

 

Note: Under the state Constitution, judges over the age of 70 must be certificated every two years.

 

Now, what about the specifics of where they came from? The Supreme Court typically handles felonies, and suits with stakes above $25,000. New York City's smaller cases (misdemeanors and suits below the threshold) are assigned to the lower courts. IJS examined the Brooklyn Supreme Court judges to detemine how many of them had lower court experience.

 

All eight of the Certificated justices were already sitting on the Supreme Court when they became septuagenarians. The Certification process merely ratified their current position. This study accounted for that and looked at their previous lower court experience before they initially joined the Supreme Court. The 28 Acting justices would seem by definition to have had previous judicial experience, but there lies a twist — judges from the Court of Claims often spend no time there before being promoted to the Supreme Court (their assignment and promotion can be nearly simultaneous). For the purposes of this analysis, such judges were treated as having no earlier bench experience.

 

Supreme Court Judges with No Previous Judicial Experience

Acting           9/28   32%

Certificated    2/08    25%

Elected         10/44   23%

Total            21/80   26%

 

Court of Origin for Those With Previous Experience

Civil Court          35

Criminal Court     30

Family  Court       6

 

Note: The sum is 71, because 12 of the 59 judges served on two courts.

 

Average Number of Years of Lower Court Experience

Mean:    7.0

Median:  6.0

 

Rightly or wrongly, politics is one profession where additional experience is often equated with diminishing performance (hence, many jurisdicitons adopt term limits). It would seem that New York judges are bound to get more involved in the political system (welcome to the world after Lopez Torres). If those jurists strive to remain apolitical (as most would hope), an essential question must be asked: Does previous judicial experience matter? IJS will tackle that question soon.

The Reversal Report for 09-22-06

By Mark Thompson
CAESARIAN QUANDARY
Tort reform activists assert that obstetricians deliver many babies by Caesarian section for no good medical reason. Instead, argue the reformers, doctors are driven by a fear that any complications in the course of a natural birth will entangle them in a malpractice lawsuit.

A couple of doctors involved in a botched natural birth at LaGuardia Hospital undoubtedly wish they had been quicker with the scalpel.

 

Justice Duane Hart, of the Queens County Supreme Court, tried to let off both the hospital and Dr. Andrea Dobrenis, the resident physician on hand while the mother was in labor, off the hook in the malpractice suit later filed on behalf of the baby, who has birth defects. Hart ruled that the patient’s physician, Dr. Victoria Williams, made the decision to administer the drug pitocin in an effort to induce labor, and the hospital’s personnel were simply carrying out her orders. Dr. Williams didn’t give up hope for a natural birth and perform a Caesarian section until 10 hours later, when there were indications of fetal distress.

The majority of judges on the appellate panel, in a September 19 ruling, Cerny v Williams, disputed Justice Hart’s assessment of the case. The evidence was admittedly murky, given that neither doctor had a clear recollection of the exact sequence of events. But the appellate judges noted that the hospital record clearly indicated that at least some of the decisions to give the patient doses of pitocin were made when the resident physician was the only doctor around. The majority found that Justice Hart correctly dismissed a claim against the hospital alleging lack of informed consent about pitocin and also correctly dismissed the claim alleging that once the doctor’s decided to perform a Caesarian section, they waited too long to get underway with it. But on the central malpractice claim, both doctors as well as the hospital must stand trial.


One dissenting judge thought Justice Hart’s decision to dismiss all claims against the hospital and resident physician was correct. The dissenter noted that while the hospital record wasn’t entirely clear about who called the shots regarding use of pitocin, one person had a clear memory of events that night: the mother, Carol Cerny. In her deposition, she said Dr. Williams made the call, and as the dissenter pointed out, her recollection of such details had extra credibility because she is a registered nurse.

The dissenter’s show of support might provide Justice Hart some solace. He could probably use some solace about now. It was his second reversal in a complicated medical case in less than a month (not to mention some problems with the Commission on Judicial Conduct).

In the other case, Justice Hart was persuaded that Mofaz Baksh suffered a serious injury in an accident, and allowed the plaintiff to proceed to a trial for damages. The appellate judges came to a different conclusion in Baksh v. Shabi, handed down August 29. They noted that Baksh’s doctors failed to address evidence that the plaintiff’s spinal condition was due to a degenerative condition and also ignored his involvement in a subsequent rear-end crash, rendering their expert opinion — that his injuries were caused by the accident at issue in this case — utterly speculative.


OTHER NOTABLE REVERSALS

NEW YORK COUNTY
Justice Richard B. Lowe III, deferring to injunctions issued by Mexican courts in a case involving a letter of credit executed in Mexico in connection with a Mexican power plant project, barred the bank from invoking New York law to demand payment. The appellate department, however, noted that the letter of credit contained New York choice-of-law and forum clauses. In such circumstances, the Uniform Commercial Code states that the doctrine of independent contract supersedes the law of comity and, therefore, the parties should be bound by their contractual choice of New York, whatever the Mexican courts might say about the matter.
Banco Nacional De Mexico, S.A. v. Societe Generale, September 19

 
Justice Harold B. Beeler believed the prospective buyer of buildings at 734 and 736 Broadway should get an extension of time to exercise their option to purchase, pending a resolution of a lawsuit they filed asserting that the purchase price should be reduced because of the seller’s alleged misrepresentations about the property. The appellate division, noting that a challenge to the terms of an option contract does not extend the time to exercise the right to purchase, reversed.
Broadwall America Inc. v Bram Will-El LLC, September 21

 

Justice Charles J. Tejada ordered Sotheby's to reveal the identity of the purchaser of an Edvard Munch painting sold at auction. The judge did so at the request of the executrix of the estate of the wife of a late professor, who had owned the painting in the 1930s. The appellate court, however, noted that while the professor was upset that his brother had sold the painting without his permission more than 70 years ago, the professor never treated the painting as stolen. Therefore, the wife’s estate has no basis to claim that it might have been misappropriated and that its acquisition at auction by the unidentified prospective defendant was tainted.
Matter of Peters, September 14

 

Justice Rolando T. Acosta thought Catherine Dupuis’s co-op lease required her to pay the legal fees incurred by the co-op board in a suit she filed. The appellate division noted that the fee clause in the lease states that tenants can be held liable for attorneys fees in any actions commenced as a result of a default on the lease.  But the board’s litigation with Dupuis concerned her claim that her noisy neighbors were creating a nuisance.
Dupuis v 424 E. 77th Owners Corp., September 14

 

Justice Michael D. Stallman denied a motion to dismiss a suit filed by Andre Jones, whose toe was crushed by a garbage can that was knocked over by a passerby. The appellate division found that the expert testimony produced by Jones contained no data establishing the likelihood that an unanchored can might be knocked over. Jones therefore failed to raise a triable issue as to whether garbage cans that aren’t secured to the sidewalk create an unreasonably dangerous condition.

Jones v. City of New York, September 14



BRONX COUNTY
Justice Norma Ruiz reasoned that since the report submitted by Javon Cowan’s doctor failed to state that Cowan’s injuries were caused by the accident, the complaint should be dismissed. The appellate division noted that the oversight was due to a transcription error and so the plaintiffs' motion for renewal should have been granted. The doctor’s findings were sufficient to defeat the defendants' summary judgment motion. Reversed.
Myers v Davis, September 19

 

Ballot Watcher

By Jason Boog
Posted 09-22-06


Newly archived election records offer an unprecedented peek into Civil Court campaign coffers, including candidates who have raised as much as $80,000 -- for races in which they don't even have an opponent.

 

As the backroom smoke clears from the 2006 primary, ballot watchers now have access to brand new election paperwork. Beginning with this election cycle, Civil Court filings (and other local races) are now archived at the state Board of Elections webpage.

 
These fascinating figures are only temporary, however.

 
So far this year, committees have filed three out of the six required forms that the Board of Elections uses to keep track of campaigns. According to the campaign financial disclosure form for local filers, they will file additional reports post-primary, pre-election, and post-election.

 
According to Lee Daghlian, the spokesperson for the board, the new reports have quadrupled his work this year: “With the addition of local filings, it’s a five- to sixfold increase of filings. We used to have 1,600 filers every election. Now it’s up this year to 7,000 or 8,000. Now you get town justices, village judges, you name it, we get it.”

These brand new filings give court watchers a rare look into the previously unscrutinized filings of Civil Court races.


Show Me the Money
While incumbent justices in Manhattan aren’t facing challengers this year, they still raise money for these uncontested races. According to filings, the Committee To Re-Elect Eileen Rakower has raised $16,400 this year, with more than $23,000 of those funds going to the consultancy firm, Metro Strategies LLC.

The Committee to Re-Elect Judge Arthur Birnbaum has raised $19,010 to date, spending more than $10,000 on his consultancy firm, Prime New York.

 
The Committee To Re-Elect Judge [Paul] Feinman reported $7,821 this year, with some $1,500 going to consultant Joanna Saccone, the rest having been spent at smaller fundraiser dinners and events around the city.

 
The campaigns for incumbent Civil Court justices Michael Stallman and Jane Solomon have not reported raising any money for the 2006 election.

In Brooklyn, Dena Douglas and Jacqueline D. Williams just won the two open Civil Court nods for the Democratic primary, beating four competitors while spending vastly disparate amounts of money. The Committee To Elect Dena Douglas has filed $50,641 in contributions with the Board of Elections, while the Committee To Elect Jacqueline D. Williams only filed $5,515.

In Richmond County, Civil Court races were actually more expensive than Manhattan this year. The Committee To Re-Elect Judge [Barbara Irolla] Panepinto collected $84,751 this year, while the Committee To Re-Elect Judge [Phillip] Straniere raised $25,003. Both these judges were uncontested in the borough-wide primary.

In a tight District 2 race on Staten Island, attorney Kim Dollard won the race for the only open spot on the ballot, beating Ralph Porzio for the Independent Party nomination. The Committee To Elect Kim Dollard Civil Court Judge raised $65,305 for this effort.

Daghlian expressed excitement about the new transparency in Civil Court races. He noted that many public interests groups now scrutinize funding, and the process has had “a huge effect” on reducing filing mistakes and preventing campaigns from bending the rules in Supreme Court races.

Now Civil Court races must comply with the same standard. “Our concern is to get the information entered into the system so that we and everybody else can see what’s going on,” he said.

 

Too Close To Call
This week the New York County Board of Elections held a recount to determine the outcome of a highly contested race on the lower East Side. While court watchers debated the race in blogs and the Daily News, the race teetered on an unofficial count that had Margaret Chan winning by less than 50 votes.

 
Newly released Civil Court campaign filings provide a snapshot of the expenses and contributions necessary to sustain a truly competitive race. 

 
According to her profile in The Villager, Chan has worked as an immigration lawyer for the last seven years. An immigrant from Hong Kong, she began her law career as a clerk in the Appellate Division.

Housing Court judge David Cohen was her main challenger, trailing in the race before the recount. A Columbia Law School graduate, Cohen joined the Housing Court in 2004 — appointed by Chief Administrative Judge Jonathan Lippman.

 
To date, the Committee to Elect David Cohen has raised a total of $134,172 for his campaign. More than $50,000 of that sum was spent on consultancy fees to the Manhattan's The Advance Group.  

In all, Cohen’s committee has recorded $81,516 in campaign contributions, a discrepancy that won't be cleared up until the post-election filings are posted.

According to Board of Election filings, his competitor has run a cheaper campaign. As of September 20, Friends of Margaret Chan had raised $58,673 and spent a total of $95,465 on the campaign.

Her committee’s largest consultancy expenditures—$25,000—went to the Manhattan firm, Strategic Persuasion. 

Tough or Tyrannical?

By Jason Boog
Posted 09-22-06


Currently up for re-election, Judge Jane S. Solomon is reputedly tough as nails. But some call her behavior abusive and unjustified. Doesn't matter: Along with four other incumbent Civil Court judges, she's running uncontested for re-election.

 

Nobody ever forgets the first time that Judge Jane S. Solomon chewed them out.

 
About six years ago, a young consumer protection lawyer named Brian Bromberg had a settlement conference with the judge, who had been appointed an Acting Supreme Court justice for the Civil Term in 1993. It was his first face-to-face experience with Solomon, who is well known for a no-nonsense style.

Bromberg still remembers Solomon’s rebuke after he broke a cardinal rule of her courtroom—interrupting his opponent. “She put me in my place and made it very clear that it was not appropriate behavior, and I’ve never done that again,” he said, sounding like a kid who had misbehaved. “I got very flustered.”

While Bromberg holds a high opinion of Solomon, a debate roils among other attorneys—is she tough or tyrannical?

Another lawyer with “numerous” appearances before Solomon had a frank assessment of her style: “You don’t know what you’re going to get from one day to the next. You need to be prepared,” he said, on condition of anonymity. “I’ve seen her make attorneys cry. She’s like a seesaw. Be prepared for the unexpected.”

Says another, who also would only speak anonymously: “She runs her court by intimidation.”

The judge declined invitations for an interview, saying through a court officer that she would “let her decisions speak for themselves.”

Whichever school of thought on Solomon’s demeanor is closer to the mark, the judge is one of five Civil Court incumbents in Manhattan running uncontested this election. Lee Daghlian, spokesperson from the New York State Board of Elections, explained the Civil Court process this way: “If you’re not chosen by the party in areas with strong party influence, it’s a tough job to petition by yourself. It kind of discourages competition.”

To put it mildly.

Since no challengers from any party petitioned to run against these Democratic incumbents in the 2006 election, the five incumbents did not even appear on the primary ballot.

But litigators can scrutinize a jurist even if voters can’t.

Solomon is a member of the court’s General Individual Assignment Part, where justices are randomly selected to cover a variety of civil cases. The diversity of caseload, however, has not prevented a fairly strong consensus about her persona on the bench.

Jack Lester, a real estate litigator, estimates he has appeared before Solomon a dozen times since 1987. “The worst thing you can do is not be prepared,” said Lester. “She doesn’t suffer fools gladly.”

In 2004, Lester defended a tenant sued by her co-op over “unpaid maintenance and other arrears.” Lester was happy with Solomon’s dismissal of the suit, and Solomon’s ruling in Essex Owners Corp. vs. Joanne Barrett was unanimously affirmed by the Appellate Division, First Department. (For her overall reversal record, see below.)

Lester nevertheless cautioned first-timers to brace themselves for an appearance before her: “It helps to have a thick skin, because she’s brutally honest.”

Another attorney who has appeared before Solomon stressed the brutality over the honesty. “She’s downright abusive,” he said. “It’s a hostile environment.”

On a recent morning, the justice was certainly brusque in settling a lawsuit. The courtroom was empty except for two attorneys handing in papers for absent clients. Solomon smiled frequently while perusing the settlement papers, exiting the courtroom after a brief, business-like discussion with the lawyers.

“Show and tell is over,” she said as she returned to her chambers.

Solomon’s style is nothing if not efficient. According to Office of Court Administration (OCA) statistics, her backlog for 2005 was 11.7 months, whereas her colleagues on the Manhattan Supreme Court Civil Term bench averaged 18.7 months.

On the appellate front between 2000 and 2005, 54 of Solomon’s rulings were reversed or modified, while 110 judgments were affirmed. Her reversal rate is approximately 33 percent, placing Solomon 24th out of the 62 judges in the First Department Civil Term with at least ten appeals.

On attendance, Solomon’s judge days rank below average, according to the OCA. The judge spent 209 days on the bench in 2005, eight days below the Manhattan Civil Term’s average.

As for her background, Solomon earned her undergraduate degree at Vassar College in 1967, graduating with a J.D. from New York University School of Law three years later. She spent her first year after law school at Manhattan Legal Services, then worked as an associate at three New York firms, her longest stint being at Rosenman Colin Freund Lewis & Cohen, a corporate firm that has evolved into Katten Muchin Rosenman.

Solomon left when she was elected to the New York City Civil Court in 1986. Ten years later, she was “approved” by the New York City Bar, and rated “qualified” by the State Trial Attorneys Association and the New York Women’s Bar (one notch below the “highly qualified” rating), winning unchallenged re-election to the Civil Court.

She had joined the Supreme Court bench as an acting justice in 1993, elevated by then-Chief Administrative Judge Matthew Crosson. She made headlines with a few key decisions.

In 1995, Solomon recused herself from a complicated foreclosure of a $65 million property after appointing former Court of Appeals judge Fritz Alexander as receiver for the expensive real estate—he was a longstanding social acquaintance of the Solomon’s. In a 2000 article rehashing of that case, the New York Post alleged, “sex and big money meet patronage in the courtroom of Acting Manhattan Supreme Court judge Jane Solomon.”

However, in a 1996 decision, the Appellate Division wrote that Solomon was blameless in her handling of the case. In a telephone interview, Scott Mollen—one of two attorneys who called for her recusal—absolved Solomon. “It was an unfortunate disagreement involving complex issues,” he said, adding he had been pleased that she “very promptly” exited the case. “I would not hesitate to describe her as thoughtful, diligent, and fair,” he said.

A few months later, Solomon dismissed Al Sharpton’s $20 million libel lawsuit against the Post. Sharpton had sued over a column and an editorial that criticized his activities in the city. In a five-page decision, Solomon rejected the suit as “groundless.”

Despite the dismissal, Sharpton’s lawyer Michael Hardy felt the lawsuit did help “correct the public record” about the controversial issues mentioned in the newspaper articles. “She certainly was professional,” he said about Solomon. “We didn’t feel compelled to appeal her decision.”

In 2005, Solomon tackled a sprawling 20-count lawsuit against the most powerful public officials in the state. In Urban Justice Center v. Pataki, a state senator, a state assemblyman, and a nonprofit good-government organization sued Governor George Pataki, Assembly Speaker Sheldon Silver, and Senate Majority Leader Joseph Bruno—alleging that the leaders doled out favors to ensure that legislators tow various political lines.

Solomon dismissed all but three counts of the lawsuit, allowing the plaintiffs to proceed with claims that the three leaders distributed government resources—from appointments to bonuses—unfairly. Despite dismissing most counts, Solomon, bemoaned the state of legislative affairs: “Studies and newspaper editorials describe New York’s legislature as ‘dysfunctional,’ and as the worst state legislature in the country. . . .  Any New Yorker would find this commentary disheartening, as do I.”  Earlier this summer, the plaintiffs appealed the dismissed claims to the Appellate Division, First Department, and the appeal is still pending.
 

Last April, Solomon set a new precedent for campaign finance statutes in Mossa v. New York City Campaign Finance Board. Solomon ruled that the city Campaign Finance Board could not compel a city council candidate to return all of the $18,750 he received from public funds over the course of his unsuccessful City Council campaign—her verdict reduced the repayments by thousands of dollars.

Lawrence Laufer, a specialist in the field who defended the candidate in that case, was charmed by her decision. “She was able to cut through some case law that was being bootstrapped,” the attorney from Genova, Burns & Vernoia explained, praising the “incisiveness” of the decision. “We are now the leading case in establishing the scope of liability under New York City campaign finance repayment law.”

Currently, the Appellate Division, First Department is weighing two similar cases with differing opinions New York City Campaign Finance Board v. Ortiz and New York City Campaign Finance Board v. Perez—two verdicts that will eventually affect the outcome of this case as well.

Despite her push for fair election law, Solomon hasn’t faced an election challenger in 20 years. As an uncontested candidate, Solomon didn’t appear on the Civil Court primary ballot in New York. As of September 21st, she had not filed campaign finance forms with the State Board of Elections, implying that she spent, if anything, less than $1,000 on her reelection campaign.

Absent the insight that might come from a real campaign, at least one public record sheds some light on the judge. According to 2004 filings with the Ethics Commission for the Unified Court System, Solomon’s stock portfolio comprises electronics and telecommunications stocks, including IBM, Nokia, Time Warner, and Cisco Systems.

In September, Brian Bromberg will return to Solomon’s courtroom for his first face-to-face interaction since she reprimanded him years ago. Bromberg is leading the lawsuit against Andrew Lavoott Bluestone, a malpractice lawyer who has been faxing his unsolicited newsletter, “Attorney Malpractice Report,” to other lawyers for years.

In the case Stern v. Bluestone, Bromberg represents a lawyer who sued Bluestone for sending 14 faxes over two years, breaking the federal Telephone Consumer Protection Act of 1991. Bluestone was sued in 2004 for the same practice, in Antollino v. LaSalle Services, Inc., and his case was selected for Solomon’s courtroom. She hit him with a summary judgment.

In a twist of fate, Bluestone has again seen a suit against him assigned to Solomon. In mid-August, Solomon wrote an 11-page partial summary judgment in Bromberg’s favor. “It’s one of the best written decisions on the TCPA that I’ve read,” he said.

In that ruling, Solomon criticized Bluestone because he “willfully and knowingly violated the TCPA” after her first judgment.

Bluestone declined to speak about judicial performance, but felt her ruling was wrong — arguing that he fulfilled every condition of his last appearance by editing out anything promotional in the faxes except his contact information. “I was quite distressed by the decision. In the original case, she pointed out three things that made [the fax] an advertisement — I explicitly removed that material. I was shocked that she still thought it was an ad.”

As for her overall reputation, it is arguable that the apparent differences of opinion are not, in fact, mutually exclusive. One attorney captured that notion when he both acknowledged the vicissitudes of her temper and praised her jurisprudence. “It’s not always justified,” he said, but quickly added that he found her deeply knowledgeable on the law. “That’s just the way she conducts her courtroom.”

 

September 21, 2006

THE MORAL COMPASS

Posted 09-22-06

 
I've read recently about the lobby for an increase in state judicial salaries. I've noticed that it even seems to be high on the priority list for Chief Judge Judith Kay. Why is this such a huge initiative right now? To what extent are judicial salaries actually tied to the quality of the judiciary?  

 
At $136,700 for members of the state Supreme Court (higher for appellate jurists, lower for general trial courts), the salaries of New York State judges hardly seem paltry. In context, however, these numbers fail to impress.

When adjusted for cost of living, according to the National Center for State Courts Judicial Salary Survey for 2006, New York State judicial salaries come in 31st, behind Minnesota, Virginia, Tennessee and Kentucky. In fact, New York's rank fell eight spots from 2004. State judges earn less than some New York State court employees and less than many first-year associates at private law firms. This is an embarrassment considering the prestige and years of experience that a judgeship represents.

 
So, judicial salaries in New York have not kept pace with inflation or with other state and federal judges' salaries. But what does this mean for the New York State judiciary in practice?

 
In New York, the legislature is responsible for voting on judicial salary increases, and these salary increases are linked to their own pay increases. Legislators are usually loathe to raise their own, and consequently to raise judicial salaries, for fear of voter fall-out. This legislative control over judicial salary is antithetical to the idea of judicial independence, because judges are dependent on legislators for a pay increase — and must lobby legislators to achieve this increase.

 

This creates a situation in which the judicial branch is too closely linked to the legislative branch, beholden to them for their livelihood. While legislators in New York might not have the authority to cut judicial salaries, failing to raise their salaries in keeping with the cost of living is, in effect, a pay cut. This link creates dangerous legislative power over the subsistence of the judiciary and politicizes the process.)


In addition, academics have cited judicial salary increases as a means to combat or prevent corruption in the judiciary. Salaries in New York, however, are not so low that judges would need to accept bribes to augment their income, as is the danger in some other countries. The disparity in salaries compared to other lines of legal work, however, creates a separate set of dangers. Because those with the requisite qualifications might earn so much more in other lines of legal practice, judicial salaries might deter many highly qualified individuals from seeking a position on the bench because of the attendant financial sacrifice.

 

Even more important, those who do seek a position on the bench are very likely to be one of two types of individuals: those with a true desire to become a public servant but who also have the financial flexibility to take less compensation or those who are willing to give up the money they might earn in private practice in exchange for the power that a spot on the bench confers.

 

Raising judicial salaries would certainly increase New York's ability to attract highly qualified individuals who might otherwise be reluctant to give up more lucrative careers, or those who are financially unable to make that sacrifice. The quality of the judiciary would increase because of a larger pool of qualified individuals would be attracted — and because fewer individuals would seek the office solely for power. However, the promise of higher salaries to combat corruption, as it might in other countries where bribes augment the incomes of low-paid civil servants, is less of a reality.

 
For that, we must create better nomination systems — and give more power (read: a higher budget) to the Commission on Judicial Conduct. 

LexPress: Dinosaurs in Meteor Shower

By Lily Henning

Posted 09-21-06

 

This week marks the end of an era, as party apparachiks prepare to hold what will likely be their last tricked-up convention for judicial nominations. Plus, a mob convict claims the religious fanatacism defense. And more...

 

DINOSAURS LAST DANCE
Joseph Goldstein reports in The New York Sun on the judicial nominating conventions scheduled for this week. In the wake of the Lopez-Torres decision deeming such rigged conventions unconstitutional, this week will likely mark the finale of an 80-year-old tradition. You'll forgive us if we shed no tears, but with all the smoke billowing out of those back rooms our eyes have stopped stinging.

 

YES VIRGINIA, THERE IS A SANTERIA CLAUSE
A follow-up today on the revelation that a Mafia boss wanted to kill Brooklyn federal Judge Nicholas Garaufis…Tom Perrotta writes in The New York Law Journal that defense attorneys for Vincent Basciano — the alleged author of the hit list — might ask Garaufis to recuse. The lawyers say unsealing of the documents could influence a decision to seek the death penalty. (Although this story goes deep, it’s strange how anyone writing about this case seems to neglect to mention up high that Garaufis is currently presiding over Basciano’s case.) Basciano could face the death penalty for conspiring to kill a federal prosecutor, but his lawyers say that the plot against the judge simply didn’t exist. Now this is a little different from the quote yesterday in the Daily News from an anonymous source saying that Basciano simply didn’t want to hurt the people on the list. Watch this one, it could be more than a run of the mill mob trial. (Basciano’s lawyer’s explanation for the supposed hit list? It wasn’t a hit list at all! It was all about Santeria...really. No word on whether the U.S. Marshall’s Service is giving Garaufis extra security.)

SUE WEST, YOUNG MAN
A suit against six of the biggest automakers for causing billions of dollars in damage through global warming was filed in California yesterday, Reuters reports via The New York Times. Ford is mum, pointing out that a New York trial court dismissed a similar suit — which is on appeal in the federal circuit court. Not off the hook yet.


NO DEFENSE DOUGH
Brooklyn Supreme Court Judge Cheryl Chambers said she would appoint a public defender to represent Darryl Littlejohn yesterday, the Daily News reported. Littlejohn is the accused killer of Immette St. Guillen, whose body was found in Brooklyn hours after leaving a Manhattan bar. Having pleaded not guilty, the defendant said he couldn’t pay Kevin O’Donnell, who had been representing him.


September 20, 2006

LexPress: Talking Trash and Terror

By Lily Henning

Posted 09-19-06 

 

A federal judge is threatened by a gang biggie, and it appears that the upper East Side is going to get trashed after all.

 


GANGING UP ON A JUDGE
A Brooklyn federal judge was on a mob hit list, prosecutors revealed yesterday. Convicted racketeer Vincent (Vinny Gorgeous) Basciano apparently targeted Judge Nicholas Garaufis from prison and has since been placed in solitary confinement. The judge was “new” to the list, which apparently had long included Assistant U.S. Attorney Greg Andres. The best line from the Daily News story: “A source familiar with the probe said Basciano is denying that he intended to hurt the people on the list.” More on Garaufis and the Basciano case at the ever-helpful Gangland News.

THE TERROR OF WRITER'S CRAMP 
Brendan Lyons writes in the Albany Times Union on the terrorism trial in Albany federal court. Shahed “Malik” Hussain delivered testimony in the “trial’s most tumultuous moments." The Pakistani immigrant went undercover to help the FBI build the charges against the two Albany men on trial and was in hiding until his court appearance. Hussain argued with defense attorneys, Lyons reports and was scolded by U.S. District Judge Thomas McAvoy, who managed a moment of levity when he told a garrulous Hussain, who had been on the stand five hours, “what you’re going to do is kill my stenographer.”

TRASH TALK 
Manhattan Supreme Court Judge Michael Stallman ruled yesterday that plans for a garbage storage facility on the upper East Side could go forward. The Bloomberg administration has fought for the creation of the site, which is at 91st Street and the East River, near the mayor’s ceremonial mansion. The site is viewed by some as a triumph against environmental racism, the Sun reports, since it helps to spread out the burden of storing the city’s trash.
 

THROUGH THE EEOC'S HOOPS
Knicks lawyers were busy yesterday trying to downplay the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission’s letter to Anucha Browne Sanders, which found she had a viable complaint against coach Isaiah Thomas and Knicks managers, who she’s suing in federal court in Manhattan. An NBA executive, Browne Sanders was fired after she alleges Thomas asked her for sex. There’s no trial date, and the Knicks want the case out of court.  Thomas's lawyers, Peter Parcher and Sue Ellen Eisenberg, noted in a statement quoted in the Daily News that EEOC's administrative finding "does not reflect any conclusion as to the merits of this case."

September 19, 2006

LexPress: Not a Pretty Sight

By Lily Henning

Posted 09-19-06 

Errol Louis says the new face of judicial elections is already looking damned ugly, and a Westchester judge says the old face of evil is same as it ever was. 

 
JUDICIAL ELECTIONEERING: NOT A PRETTY SIGHT
Errol Louis has dire words of warning about judicial elections in his Daily News column. Louis writes that the still-unresolved race on the lower East Side for a Civil Court seat presages what’s to come in a post-Lopez-Torres universe: a “rock-‘em-sock-‘em norm” in which “judgeships go to whichever political brawlers can run the roughest street campaigns.” He blames Margaret Chan and David Cohen for lowering the bar for judicial races by trading accusations of voter fraud, voting machine sabotage and “street thuggery.”  Louis direly predicts that the political and ethnic bickering that has characterized this race is the face of the future for judicial elections in New York…”It’s almost enough ot make you miss those smoke-filled back rooms.” Almost. But the new transparency will, at least eventually, force reform.

 
WRITING ON THE WALL
The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit set the standard for the admission of lay witness testimony to authenticate handwriting, Mark Hamblett reports in The New York Law Journal. A three-judge panel upheld the evidentiary ruling of Southern District Judge Colleen McMahon. The decision will be published Friday.

PATENTLY WINNING
in federal court in Manhattan yesterday, according to this report by the Associated Press in The New York Times, Judge Naomi Reice Buchwald ruled in favor of three Israeli scientists and against now-infamous ImClone Systems Inc. regarding who should own the patent for bestselling cancer drug, Erbitux.

A MOTHER'S SUFFERING
A noteworthy agreement in Brooklyn Supreme Court happened yesterday when a group of doctors who allegedly botched an abortion agreed to pay $4.2 million to their client, who ultimately gave birth to a developmentally disabled son after the abortion failed. The Post reports that the agreement is the first of its kind in the state to include damages for the mental suffering of the mother, who wasn’t physically harmed.

 
EVIL INCARNATE 
In the Daily News, Westchester County Judge Lester Adler spared no righteousness when sentencing a mentally ill homeless man yesterday to 25 years to life in prison for fatally stabbing a woman because she was white. A jury took four and a half hours to convict Phillip Grant. “You, Mr. Grant, represent the face of evil,” Adler said.

September 18, 2006

LexPress: Cafeteria Chaos

By Lily Henning

Posted 09-18-06

 

As the War Resisters League struggles to protect meeting minutes from a city subpoena, a community college kitchen grapples with a $13 million lawsuit and allegations of cronyism.

 

RIGHT TO ASSEMBLE: SORT OF
A lawyer for the city asked a federal judge Friday for notes from the War Resisters League meetings. In a request to uphold a subpoena, attorney Peter Farrell said that the notes could help the city’s defense against lawsuits filed by protesters arrested during the Republican National Convention in 2004, the New York Sun reports. It is unusual for the city to subpoena the written record of a political organization’s meeting. Let’s hope they don’t make a habit of it. Federal Magistrate Judge James Francis IV is handling the case, in which the city has also subpoenaed the National Lawyers Guild.


PAYING FOR UNDISCOVERED COUNTRY
Manhattan Supreme Court Judge Louis York ordered attorney Lawrence Porcari and his client — a former attorney — to pay a total of $5,500 for trying to stall discovery requests. York ordered the sanctions against Porcari and Paul Farrey, who pled guilty in December 2002 to repeatedly stabbing his wife, Donna Hughes (also a lawyer). Hughes is seeking civil damages from Farrey, who is serving a five-year prison term. Anthony Lin has the details in the New York Law Journal.


FOOD FIGHT
Kingsborough Community College faces a $13 million suit over the replacement of its longtime cafeteria operator. Panda House is run by a “personal friend and longtime associate” of college administrators and has a history of health code violations, alleges J.P.R. Cafeteria, which was dropped after running the facility for 28 years. It’s not clear from the Post story what court the suit was filed in, but it could be lively with accusations of cronyism flying…(The president of Kingsborough is Regina Peruggi, first wife of Mayor Rudy Guiliani. Peruggi isn’t named in the suit.)


BRIEFLY NOTED
Help wanted in Albany. The city is soliciting bids for legal work on environmental issues. Seems that all of a sudden officials realized their contract with firm Nixon Peabody had run out—in July 2004. Since 2001, the firm has collected more than $1.7 million from the city, the Albany Times Union reports.

 

Beholder’s eye wanted in New York: Crime dropped overall in New York state in 2005, compared to the year before. But the breakdown is worth looking at: the AP notes that while vehicle thefts dropped by about 13 percent, violent crime rose by 1.2 percent.

 

September 15, 2006

The "Bronx Effect"

By John Ennis

Posted on 09-15-06


Here’s an old favorite from First-Year Torts, inspired by a passage in Tom Wolfe’s 1987 novel Bonfire of the Vanities:

 

Facts:  Your client is recuperating from knee surgery in a Westchester hospital when complications arise.  It requires the attention of a specialist and the patient is transferred to a Medical Center in Manhattan.  He emerges from the operating room well enough, but with little chance of recovering full mobility, which had been anticipated prior to the initial surgery.

Question: Where and when did the malpractice occur?

Answer:  In the ambulance while on the Major Deegan Expressway.

Reason:  You want a Bronx jury.

 

Is the “Bronx Effect” a myth?  Reliable data is difficult to obtain.  Here are the best numbers IJS could find on jury awards, though the authors warned that they might not be comprehensive:

 

Median Medical Malpractice Jury Awards

from 1985 through 1997 (in 1995 Dollars)

Bronx                      1,512,000

Brooklyn                  1,312,600

Manhattan                1,120,000

Queens                    1,079,450

Staten Island            1,057,800

 

Source: The New York Jury Verdict Reporter as reprinted in The 'Bronx Jury': A Profile of Civil Jury Awards in New York Counties, 80 Tex. L. Rev. 1889 (2002).

 

The "Bronx Effect" or "Bronx Jury” has also been cited in criminal cases.  This data is of higher quality:

 

2005 Jury Conviction Rate (Felonies Only)

Manhattan                 75%

Brooklyn                   73%

Queens                     67%

Bronx                        44%

 

Source: New York State Office of Court Administration

 

Staten Island’s 78% conviction rate was pulled because the sample size is so small (18 verdicts, whereas the other boroughs all have more than 200).

 

One last rationale for the Summary Jury Trial program was the Bronx’s backlog of civil cases:

 

2005 Year-End Backlog for the Civil Term of the Supreme Court

                       2005         Cases Pending        Start of 2006
                   Dispositions     End of 2005             Backlog

Bronx               15,319           24,927             19.5 months

Manhattan         25,540           39,834             18.7 months

Staten Island       3,312            4,094             14.8 months

Brooklyn            31,600           37,604            14.3 months

Queens             23,230           17,956              9.3 months

 

Source: New York State Office of Court Administration

 

LexPress: Ramos Rebuffs

By Lily Henning
Posted 09-15-06

 
As judge Charles Ramos refuses to recuse in the most scrutinized excessive compensation case in the state, an Iraqi jurist gets cozy with Saddam Hussein in the most scrutinized war crimes trial in the world.

 

NO RECUSAL
Manhattan Supreme Court Judge Charles Ramos won’t recuse in the Grasso case, the New York Law Journal reports. The judge rejected a request by New York Stock Exchange Chairman Richard Grasso to reassign the excessive compensation case. (Ramos might be biased, said counsel, since he had applied for a seat on the Big Board. But in his decision yesterday the judge said he did so “long before” the Grasso case was filed.) Ramos also noted that the recusal request wasn’t filed until after some of his decisions went against the defendant. Better news yesterday though for Grasso’s camp from the First Department Appellate Division, which agreed that his trial should be stayed until his appeals are decided. (Among Grasso’s appeals is Ramos’s decision to hold a bench trial.)


SO HE WAS, WHAT, A PRIMA BALLERINA?
Jurist Abdullah al-Amiri told Saddam Hussein “you were not a dictator” during the trial of the ousted Iraqi leader. According to the New York Daily News, prosecutors are trying to prove Hussein’s involvement in genocide. The comment is drawing today almost as much fire as Pope Benedict’s controversial comments about Islam.


NO BOOK OF JUDGES
The policy arm of the Roman Catholic Church in New York sent out candidate questionnaires this year, but by what’s published on the group’s web site, apparently skipped judges. The answers to the survey are intended to guide voters in November. The New York State Catholic Conference mailed the 10-question survey to 400 candidates yesterday. Capitol Confidential on the Albany Times Union site writes about it here.


PRO FORMA
Eugene Pigott Jr. answered questions before the Senate Judiciary Committee yesterday. According to the New York Law Journal, his confirmation to the state Court of Appeals is virtually assured...

 

Justice Lite

By Jesse Sunenblick

Posted 09-15-2006 

 
Under the fluorescent lights and water-stained drop ceiling of a courtroom in the Bronx on Monday, Judge Wilma Guzman sat in the robing room and prepped two attorneys — initiates, really — on how they should present their case, the whole case, in a single day. Later, when 25 prospective jurors came in, she expounded on the virtues of the borough’s new summary jury trial program, implying they all would be grateful for the fast track.


If the jurors didn’t look overjoyed at this promise in the morning, they did by two o’clock, when — after reaching a verdict in a tort case involving an auto accident — they streamed out of Guzman’s courtroom, done with jury duty for the next six years.

 

If the Bronx is known for its backlog (for details, click here), it is also known for its high jury verdicts (to see just how high, click here.) The summary jury trial program, which is being rolled out after a successful trial run this summer, is designed to combat both.


Whether verdict reductions are justified, of course, and whether greater expediency might increase attorney malpractice exposure, are two questions yet to be answered.

The docket-busting sessions resemble a game of speed chess. Attorneys in summary trials get 10 minutes to open, 10 minutes to close, and an hour to present evidence. Two witnesses may be called on either side, though no medical experts. Awards are capped at insurance policy maximums, though attorneys may agree on prearranged high-low parameters.

The program is entirely optional. It is also binding, an element that initially was somewhat controversial.

“There was phenomenal skepticism amongst attorneys, over a year ago when I first got involved,” says Frank Vozza, chair of the Bronx County Bar Association subcommittee on summary jury trials. That panel was instrumental, along with Administrative Judge Barry Salman, in getting big insurance companies on board.

“When it was presented to the Bronx bar, everybody said, ‘you’re out of your mind’ because as originally proposed it was supposed to be binding and non-binding, to a point where a judge could compel someone to do non-binding arbitration. There’s some judges who would make you try it twice! But making it binding knocked out 80 percent of the opposition, because people realized nobody’s going to force you to do it, and the decisions will stand.”

So far, attorneys handling 47 tort cases have opted to use summary trials. One benefit, especially in trials involving auto accidents, is that summary trials eliminate the expense of paying doctors to testify. That can run anywhere from $5000 to $20,000 and cut deeply into the award of a plaintiff with a limited insurance policy.

“I think for a certain limited type of case it’s very good,” says Jeffrey Liebowitz, who tried one of the first experimental cases this summer, before William Gerace, a Judicial Hearing Officer and former judge from Chautaqua County, who was instrumental in bringing the summary jury trials to New York in the mid 1990s.

“You’re not going to see anyone willing to use it on substantial exposure cases, though. My case had a limited policy of $25,000. If I had $100,000 on the line, I don’t think I’d be willing to limit the proof the way it requires.”

“It’s a glorified form of binding arbitration,” Liebowitz continues. “Except, you’re invoking a jury element. Arbitrators are in business to stay in business. They have no balls because they want everybody coming back. So they divide everything down the middle and make it sting a little for everybody.”

Liebowitz had actually needed an additional witness to prove that his client was possibly the owner, but certainly not the driver, of a vehicle that struck a 300-pound woman, and fled the scene.

“I wasn’t trying to guild a lily by bringing in multiple witnesses,” he says. “Judge Gerace was flexible, but if you’re really running over your time they’re going to ask you to finish. If you have an easy case, it’s fine. But this was not an easy case. I wanted to use the ‘fat bastard’ defense. But then, the plaintiff had gastric bypass surgery. She came strutting into the courtroom at 105 pounds, all thin and demure, and that went out the window.”

“I’d just read about the efforts to do away with the jury system in civil cases,” says Gerace, who’d been asked to address a backlog that had grown due to his predecessor’s duties across three counties. “I thought summary jury trials would be an excellent way of preserving the jury system in civil cases, and not overburdening the cases.”

Judge Thomas Lambros of Federal District Court in Ohio had first used summary jury trials in 1980 to encourage court settlements in the face of crowded dockets. To try a pilot project in New York more than a decade later, Gerace got in touch with Vincent Doyle, Administrative Judge for the Eighth Judicial District, who authorized the practice on a non-binding basis.

“Early on, some attorneys were skeptical of non-binding trials,” says Gerace. “But as it turned out, none of the cases we scheduled for ‘non-binding’ in the last five to six years have opted to go to trial after the verdict.” In six early cases in which attorneys did opt to follow the summary trial with their “regular” day in court, five results were quite similar to the outcome from the abbreviated proceedings.

Early critics of the practice include Richard Posner, a prominent judge with a putative conservative streak who sits on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit. In an oft-cited 1986 University of Chicago Law Review article, he worried that such trials remove from the jury their most basic duty: evaluating the credibility of witnesses. In New York, grumblings of dissent are few and far between, but prominent defense lawyer Murray Richman offers at least one disagreement.

“Clearly, the Bronx [court] administration doesn’t like the verdicts in the Bronx,” says Richman. “They complain that the criminal side acquits too much, that the civil side gives too much. But in jurisdictions like Putnam, where everybody goes to jail whether they’re guilty or not, that’s ok.

“Look, the jury system is great, provided it does what judges want it to do. But it’s not so great when it exercises its own complete discretion. We trust in the populace only to the extent that they agree with us. . . . I understand that the jury system is a large waste of time. Agreed. But so is democracy.”

Before summary jury trials, says the Bronx Bar’s Vozza, insurance companies forced plaintiffs to trial, either to flex their financial muscle or because they genuinely believed that the plaintiff had no case. The non-jury alternative of bench trials wasn’t popular with insurance companies, Vozza theorizes, because in bench trials judges would subconsciously penalize insurance companies for their difficult negotiating posture.
Vozza recalled a conversation he had with counsel at Allstate Insurance Company. “They said, ‘Even if it’s a garbage case, we’re going to trial. Even if it’s for $1000, we’re going to trial. If you have a big soft tissue case we don’t like, we’re going to punish you for it.’”

But with respect to summary jury trials, Vozza says, Allstate was ecstatic. “There’s the benefit of a jury untainted by the system, and they saw pretty good results in summary jury trials upstate.”

The statewide coordinator for summary jury trials is Judge Lucindo Suarez, who on the program’s first day took a seat in the back row just before lunch. In 2005 Salman, the AJ, decided to cut into his court’s backlog and get rid of “the crap,” as he puts it, “the 25,000 cases that tie up a courtroom for two weeks.” Then the Presiding Judge of the Appellate Term, Suarez agreed to manage the program, bringing him back to the Bronx, where he had sat in the Civil and Supreme Courts in the mid-90s.

“Summary jury trials have always interested me because I’m the kind of judge who moves quickly,” Suarez explained in the hallway, after the jury had left for lunch. “When I did trials, I was one of the few judges who sat in on jury selection, although according to civil rules a judge doesn’t have to.”

Years ago, this meant that it might take up to five days to pick a jury. In summary jury trials, by contrast, a judge manages voir dire: attorneys are limited to two peremptory challenges and have ten minutes to ask questions (“I can hear the bell ringing!” the plaintiff’s attorney had quipped during jury selection that day.)

For some legal malpractice attorneys, however, such justice lite could expose attorneys to more malpractice claims in anything but the simplest slip-and-fall or motor vehicle cases.

“When you try a case, you have to satisfy the necessary burdens upon you to make out your cause of action,” says legal malpractice attorney Michael Levine. “And in many instances you can’t do that with one witness. In some motor vehicles cases you can. But in some cases you can’t — it’s just not possible — and those are the kinds of cases that would not be suitable for resolution within a day’s time.”

“I’m sure there’s a natural inclination for a client to get the case tried as soon as possible,” continues Levine. “But for a complicated case, I’m not sure that’s a good idea.”

 

Ballot Watcher

By Jason Boog

Posted on 09-15-06

 

The Incumbency Protection Racket
During the primary season, the quixotic Civil Court candidate Philip Smallman patrolled Brooklyn with his family and friends, gathering 13,500 signatures to put himself on the primary ballot as an insurgent candidate in a Democratic-controlled county. When Democratic Party lawyers challenged his petition signatures, Smallman spent his own money on a lawyer to defend them.

Last Tuesday, he watched his campaign money trickle down the drain — losing the primary to party favorites Dena Douglas and Jacqueline D. Williams.

 

Most insurgent Civil Court judges don’t even make it as far as Smallman. Lee Daghlian, spokesperson from the New York State Board of Elections explained the Civil Court process this way: “If you’re not chosen by the party in areas with strong party influence, it’s a tough job to petition by yourself. It kind of discourages competition.”

For that reason, nobody ever competes against the seated Civil Court justices.

This year, six uncontested incumbent judges will appear on the ballot in November. In Manhattan, they are Arthur Birnbaum, Eileen Rakower, Jane Solomon, Paul Feinman, and Michael Stallman; in Richmond County they are Barbara Panepinto and Philip S. Straniere.

None of these judges blinked during the primary. Since they were uncontested, their names didn’t even appear on the ballot — they received a free election pass for another ten years on the bench.
 

The Battle for Brooklyn

With the addition of Smallman and fellow insurgent John Serpico, the Civil Court race buried Kings County under posters, testing the strength of Democratic leadership in Brooklyn after the downfall of party boss Clarence Norman.

 
In a triumph for Assemblyman Vito Lopez, the leader who replaced Norman, as the party's picks secured the vacant Civil Court seats in Brooklyn.

 
In other primary results, two Manhattan attorneys scored Civil Court primary wins: Margaret A. Chan and Rita Mella. Kim Dollard won the Independent Party primary on Staten Island, but she will again face her opponent Frank Porzio, in the general election.

 
In Queens and Bronx, there were no Civil Court vacancies this year.

 
For more coverage, the Gotham Gazette ran the comprehensive 2006 Primary Election Results.

 
The Blogosphere Reacts
While none of these Civil Court races received much coverage in the mainstream press, they generated reams of posts in the blogosphere.

 
Over at the group blog, Room Eight, the blogger named Gatemouth endorsed Douglas and Williams for the Civil Court race in Brooklyn. Along the way, this blogger had a pre-primary suggestion for new ways to select judges: “My current idea is that potential judges put their profiles on JDate or Nerve.com and the voters can chose whether they’d like to do dinner, drinks, or just coffee before making a commitment, or just hop right into the sack.”

 
Another Room Eight blogger named Oneshirt generated a flurry of comments by analyzing the Brooklyn race. The blogger reported that those two seats are “a test of new county leader Vito Lopez's ability to bring all the battling factions in Brooklyn together.” It appears that Lopez succeeded, as his two choices, Douglas and Williams, won the primary.

 
Over at the sprawling political forum, The Daily Gotham blog, a variety of writers have reported on the Civil Court races this summer.

 
One blogger named Mole333 attended an endorsement meeting at the Independent Neighborhood Democrats, offering his personal take on the winning Brooklyn candidates. “[Douglas] combined both excellent qualifications and a qualified status by the independent board," he wrote. "Jacqueline Williams had the least impressive presentation style, but had excellent qualifications.”

His glowing review of Vito Lopez’s picks is surprising, since Mole333 has fierce dislike of “disgusting corruption of the County Committee.” This prolific Democratic blogger published an essay attacking party politics in Brooklyn a week before the primary.

 

At the end of August, Lisa Sabater—publisher of The Daily Gotham—weighed in with some commentary on the judicial races this year. "Why would we need to have these and not just a more democratic process for electing judges?" she asked. "Where are these people's resumes and CVs? At the moment of voting, how the hell am I going to know about them beyond the little blurb provided by the county election board?"

 
So far, nobody has answered her...

 

September 14, 2006

The Reversal Report for 09-15-06

By Mark Thompson

 HASTY JUSTICE
New York County Justice Ira Gammerman, a notoriously abrupt septuagenarian, had little sympathy for Louise Avidon or her attorney, Ronald Paltrowitz, who suddenly developed a severely herniated disc that required surgery on the eve of Avidon’s trial. A construction firm was demanding payment from her for an allegedly botched remodeling job on her condominium. Gammerman, who was presiding over the Calendar Part, a position in which he ascertains whether cases are ready and then sends them to trial courts as they open up, refused to give Avidon more than a two-day adjournment to find a new lawyer.

 

Justice Emily Jane Goodman, to whom Gammerman sent the case, was equally oblivious to Avidon’s plight. She claimed she had no authority to override Gammerman’s decision that the case was ready. Since this was the day that the trial was scheduled to begin, she declared that as far as she was concerned, the trial was underway. Avidon had obtained a new attorney, who told the judge that he could not proceed in good conscience without more time to prepare. Goodman retorted that the case wasn’t exactly brain surgery. The attorney said brain surgery or not, he needed a bit more time. Goodman refused. She also refused to let Avidon fire her attorney on the spot and proceed pro se. Instead, she dispensed with the trial and commenced an inquest, an expedited proceeding in which Avidon wasn’t even allowed to cross-examine witnesses. At the end of that proceeding, Goodman found for the construction firm and ordered Avidon to fork over $41,995.16.


The Appellate Division didn’t let that outcome stand. The appellate judges rebuked Goodman for yielding to Gammerman’s decision that the case was ready for trial. “The judge to whom a case is assigned has exclusive jurisdiction over its conduct and may not delegate or surrender judicial authority over such issues as adjournments,” the appellate judges informed her.  They proceeded to observe that the defense attorney’s medical crisis was beyond the defendant’s control and the plaintiff wouldn’t have been prejudiced by a further delay. Then, they reversed the award, remanding the case for further proceedings.


Gammerman has been set straight by the Appellate Department in similar cases more than once before. In fact, in his appellate brief, Paltrowitz cited three recent cases in which Gammerman was reversed for forcing trials before the parties were ready.


His habit of rushing matters prematurely to trial, cutting off witnesses mid-sentence and engaging in other impetuous conduct on the bench isn’t a secret in the courthouse. A profile in The New York Times of the 76-year-old justice in April, noted that justice in his courtroom “can be swift and, well, harsh.”


The Appellate Department regularly intervenes to set matters right. “Yes, I think his reversal rate might be high,” Justice Jacqueline W. Silbermann, administrative judge of the Supreme Court Civil Branch of New York County, told the Times. “But I don’t think he spends a lot of time thinking about that. He just does what he thinks is right, and that’s the end of it.”


What became of Avidon and her case? She’s due back in a few weeks for a trial-setting conference before Justice Gammerman.
SKR Design Group, Inc. v. Avidon, September 7


OTHER NOTABLE REVERSALS

 
NEW YORK COUNTY
Justice Louis B. York let an actor’s union off the hook in a defamation suit filed by Raymond Hoesten, the former stage manager for the soap opera “One Life to Live.” But Justice York denied a motion to dismiss the claim against Constance Best, the union’s executive assistant. According to Hoesten, Best informed the network that he regularly humiliated and intimidated actors and extras on the show, prompting the network to fire him. The appellate panel concluded that while some of the vulgar comments that Best attributed to Hoesten, such as a rude joke about sushi directed at an Asian-American actress, were actually made by others. But Best had reason to believe the allegations were true, and Hoesten was unable to demonstrate that the statements were made with actual malice. Consequently, the appellate panel concluded that the complaint should have been dismissed against both the union and the executive assistant.
Hoesten v. Best, September 7

Justice Robert D. Lippmann slapped a plaintiff’s attorney, Morton S. Robson, with sanctions of more than $118,000 on grounds that his losing suit against a bagel company was malicious. The appellate court concluded that Robson was simply careless and inattentive, and that he sincerely believed his case had merit, so the stiff penalty was unwarranted.
Sakow v. Columbia Bagel, Inc., September 7


Justice Carol Edmead granted a one-year extension for a notice of pendency against a building that has been tied up in litigation. The appellate division noted that since the plaintiff has done little to advance the case, which appears to lack merit, the encumbrance on the defendant’s property should be lifted immediately.
Turner Construction Co. v. 75 Broad, LLC, September 7


BRONX COUNTY
Justice Stanley Green agreed with plumber Wilber Nazario that Fortunato & Fortunato, the law firm that obtained a $100,000 worker’s compensation settlement for him after a rusty pipe fell on his shoulder, should have tried for a second jackpot. The firm’s failure to file a separate negligence suit against the owner of the building where the accident occurred gave Nazario good cause to sue the lawyers for malpractice, as Judge Green saw it. The appellate division took a look at Nazario’s litigation history, noticed that he had claimed nearly identical soft-tissue injuries in three other accidents, and concluded that a suit attempting to extract damages from the building owner for the same aches and pains wouldn’t have succeeded, even if the law firm had filed it. Reversing Judge Green, the appellate judges kicked the malpractice suit out of court.
Nazario v. Fortunato & Fortunato, PLLC, September 7


QUEENS COUNTY
Justice Peter Kelly dismissed a medical malpractice claim filed by Raquel Singh, who suffered excessive bleeding after delivering a stillborn baby. The appellate panel ruled that Singh should be allowed to complete depositions and other discovery to determine whether an excessive dose of a certain drug was administered.
Singh v. Rosenberg, September 12


KINGS COUNTY
Justice Yvonne Lewis was willing to give the plaintiffs more time to serve the defendants with a personal injury suit, accepting their unexplained claim that “law office failure” was to blame for a two-and-a-half year delay. The appellate division, citing the plaintiffs’ “extreme lack of diligence” and failure to produce any competent evidence substantiating the merits of their suit, concluded that it should have been dismissed.
Meusa v. BMW Financial Services, et al., September 12


Justice Michael Gary denied the motion filed by Jackie Moses to suppress the testimony of the victim, who pointed him out in court as the man who had robbed her. Police had stopped the defendant shortly after she called in to report the crime in progress. When they took her to see the freshly apprehended suspect standing between two officers, she confirmed that he was the culprit, the claim she would later repeat in court. The appellate division noted that prosecutors never demonstrated that police were justified in stopping the defendant near the scene of the crime, so the subsequent in-court identification was tainted and should have been suppressed.
People v. Moses, September 12

 

THE MORAL COMPASS

Posted 09-15-2006

 

I am approaching the end of my term as a New York State trial court judge, and I'm concerned about recent changes to the Rules Governing Judicial Conduct. The Office of Court Administration circulated a memorandum outlining the Rule changes, but I'm not sure what they mean in context. It just landed on my desk without any real explanation. Because I'm up for re-election in November, I'm especially concerned about the mandatory judicial campaign ethics training, and how the Independent Judicial Screening Commission will affect my candidacy.
 
As you mentioned, the Rules Governing Judicial Conduct recently underwent several revisions and additions.  Especially indicative of the purpose of these changes, the definitions of impartiality, independent judiciary, and integrity were explicitly added to Part 100 of the Rules. Many of the changes made are meant to increase the impartiality, independence and integrity of the judiciary. That's largely due to a documented lack of public confidence in these areas and recent media attention surrounding judicial corruption.
 
Especially significant are the changes surrounding the judicial selection process, which includes mandatory ethics courses for judicial candidates, as well as the appointment of an independent judicial screening commission. The Unified Court System offered the first-ever mandatory judicial campaign ethics training in July. There will be another class offered on September 19. Judges are now required to take these classes before they are elected to judicial office, and they must complete the class within 90 days before or 30 days after they are nominated. This course is available live, or on DVD. These classes teach candidates about permissible campaign conduct, because judges are allowed to campaign but are limited as to the political activity they are allowed to undertake.
 
If you are a Town or Village justice, you are exempt from taking this class. Because Town and Village justices are the only state judges who are not required to be lawyers, some might argue that these are the judicial candidates who would benefit most from ethics training because they are not as familiar with judicial campaigning restrictions. You might consider taking the course even if you are not required to do so, because it will help you avoid ethical violations which could affect your campaign or you potential judicial appointment.
 
The Independent Judicial Screening Commission also represents a fairly significant change in the campaigning process. The purpose of this commission is to assure the quality of judicial candidates. There will be one independent commission per judicial district to review the qualifications of candidates. The rules require that each commission represent the community, with geographic, racial and ethnic diversity. The members are required to reside in the judicial district that they serve.
 
Your participation in the screening will consist of a written application, background investigation, and personal interview. The commission will publish the names of those it finds qualified, by a two-thirds vote. You are allowed to appeal if you are found unqualified. The criteria that the Commissions consider will include: professional ability, integrity, character, independence, reputation for fairness and lack of bias, and temperament — including courtesy and patience. You are not required to participate in the screening, but the list of those who fail to participate will be made public.  
 
While this process might slightly inconvenience judicial candidates, if you are qualified, and if you have maintained decorum in law practice and/ or on the bench, then you should not have anything to worry about. Only those who have constantly lost patience on the bench, those without the requisite legal qualifications, or those who have something to hide in their legal background have anything to worry about. This process will only serve to increase the public's confidence that the judicial selection process will result in a quality judiciary.

 

LexPress for 09-14-06

By Lily Henning

Posted 09-14-06 

 

While a terror trial in Albany raises new and important questions about the doctrine of entrapment, junketeering Manhattan hospital execs sweat out hearings in the U.S. Senate...

GUARDIAN AD NAUSEUM
The legal guardian for former Judge John Phillips’s estate was removed from that job yesterday. Emani Taylor, who has been accused of mismanaging the assets of the incapacitated Philllips, said the move came at her request, according to the New York Post story. Taylor reportedly said that managing the assets of the former Brooklyn Civil Court judge, who is 82 and confined to a nursing home, was taking a toll on her health. Friends had complained to the state’s Commission on Judicial Conduct that Taylor (and Brooklyn Supreme Court Judge Michael Pesce) have “squandered” Phillips’s holdings. Curiously, and without explanation, the article also says that Phillips is “forbidden to receive unauthorized visitors.”


ENTRAP DOORS
The the Albany terror trial that we noted earlier this week has immediately raised questions about the “legal and moral connotations of entrapment”, John Caher reports in the New York Law Journal. Senior judge Thomas McAvoy, of the Northern District of New York, instructed the jury that prosecutors had to prove that Mohammed Hossain and Yassin Aref were “predisposed” to commit the money laundering crimes, because the government had dangled the opportunity in front of them. Defense attorneys Kent Sprotbery and Kevin Luibrand  put it this way: Their clients, “while struggling to realize the American dream were illegally induced” by a convicted felon whom the government enlisted in a sting operation. Caher does an excellent job recounting the opening of the trial. The Albany Times Union has thorough coverage too.

 


BLOWING SMOKE
Anyone who thought federal Judge Jack Weinstein was a sure bet to approve class status in the tobacco suit we visited earlier this week should think again. Weinstein, who sits in Brooklyn, “expressed skepticism” Wednesday over the proposed $200 billion (yes, that’s with a “b”) suit over light cigarettes. Read the New York Law Journal coverage here.


HOSPITAL TRIPS
Josh Gerstein has more on case to be made against New York Presbyterian Hospital in The New York Sun. The story includes surprising details, courtesy of ongoing U.S. Senate hearings, on cash that hospital execs spent on first class trips. Question is, what’s the status — if any — of this case in court? (It was booted out of federal trial court, but an appellate panel said in July that the state law claims should not have been dismissed, reversing and remanding that decision.)


FORGIVE US OUR DEDUCTIONS
The Times Union also has a story on a revised federal tax statute that prohibits debtors from deducting charitable contributions when calculating disposable income. Albany Federal Judge Robert Littlefield Jr. said he “reluctantly” ruled against an Adirondacks couple who wanted to fight the ban, which is new.

 

September 13, 2006

LexPress for 09-13-06

By Lily Henning

Posted 09-13-06 

 

Grasso requests a Ramos recusal, and China digitizes justice... 


 

RAMOS RECUSAL RUMBLE
Former Big Board head Richard Grasso wants Manhattan Supreme Court Judge Charles Ramos off his case. Yesterday, lawyers for the former New York Stock Exchange Chairman filed a motion requesting Ramos’s recusal in the excessive compensation suit against Grasso filed by state Attorney General  Eliot Spitzer. Grasso’s flock of lawyers, headlined by Gerson Zweifach of Williams & Connolly, wrote that a switch in judges would “engender public confidence in the justice system,” reports the New York Law Journal. He laid out a handful of reasons why Ramos needs to quit the case — one is that Ramos twice sought a spot on the stock exchange board, once through a request to Grasso and then to his successor. He didn’t disclose that in this case. The other reasons are notable too, just not as juicy. They include: ex parte settlement talks Grasso had with the judge, based on what Zweifach contends was the court’s “advance agreement not to serve as trial judge should Mr. Grasso object.” That agreement though involved a different issue, not Grasso’s $139 million compensation. Nonetheless, the defense lawyers claim that during the talks, Ramos “candidly” talked about the possibility of Grasso returning some of his compensation to the exchange — and other key facts in the case — including what underlies all of this: was Grasso getting too big of a paycheck under New York nonprofit laws? Another precious kicker comes at the end when the lawyers assert that Ramos’s questioning of legal fees in a tobacco case is evidence that he is “offended by high levels of compensation.”

 

DOWN ON THE PHARMA
Bristol-Myers Squibb’s top lawyer has resigned, along with CEO Peter Dolan, the New York Times reports. Yesterday we talked about the likely ouster of Richard Willard (a one-time U.S. Justice Department Civil Division chief) and Dolan at the recommendation of the monitor appointed by the court to keep tabs on the company in a deferred prosecution agreement. The resignations come in the midst of a federal investigation that’s heating up. In the interim, James Cornelius will serve as CEO and Sandra Leung as general counsel. (Interesting nugget: Former FBI director Louis Freeh, now a Bristol-Myers director, was appointed as Ms. Leung’s adviser.) Former U.S. Attorney Mary Jo White of Debevoise & Plimpton and Kenneth Conboy of Latham & Watkins are advising Bristol-Myers.

 

FROM BRANCH TO BRANCH
In 2004 federal judge Loretta Preska in Manhattan issued a definitive rebuff to plaintiffs suing New York Presbyterian Hospital — a nonprofit — over allegedly illegal billing practices for uninsured patients. Preska told the plaintiffs they had “lost they way” and should visit the legislature, not the courts. The legislature answered: Senator Charles Grassley, a Republican of Iowa, announced yesterday an investigation of 10 large nonprofit hospitals, including NewYork-Presbyterian, The New York Sun reports. Among the Senate’s concerns are the huge tax breaks that nonprofit hospitals get, all the while often charging huge markups and paying their top management millions. Notably, a federal appeals court revived the litigation against NewYork-Presbyterian in July when it ruled that the case could be refiled in state court.

 
JUDICIAL INDISCRETION
Justice by mouse-click has arrived in China (who else was going to do it?) The story, from Reuters via a Hong Kong newspaper, tells us that a court in China is using a software program to help decide prison sentences. Programmed to mete out sentences for rape, and robbery and those ever pesky state security offenses, the program has been used in 1,500 criminal cases already. Intended to quell corruption and help judges who aren’t up to speed on sentencing requirements (many judges in the lower courts haven’t been to law school), the program has been criticized for promoting laziness.

 
ELECTION RESULTS
The Gotham Gazette lists yesterday's winners.

 

September 12, 2006

LexPress for 09-12-06

By Lily Henning

Posted 09-12-06

 

While drug company leaders bicker, day laborers want to remain secretive--and employable...

 

BAD MEDICINE
According to a report in The New York Times, a former judge acting as court-appointed overseer has concluded that Bristol-Myers Squibb executive Peter Dolan should be fired. Frederick Lacey, a former federal judge, recommended that the drug company’s board give Dolan the boot for his handling of a patent dispute that led to a criminal investigation. New Jersey federal prosecutor Christopher Christie is Dolan's only hope, since he could overturn the recommendation — but otherwise the company appears bound to act on it, since Lacy was picked by the court to straighten out the Princeton-based company after it faced criminal prosecution for bad accounting. (Lacey said general counsel Richard Willard should get the ax as well.)


UNALIENABLE RIGHTS
As the trial opened yesterday in the case of day laborers against the village of Mamaroneck, some of the plaintiffs gave up free-speech claims — key to their case — to prevent the public from learning their immigration status. A group of laborers, mostly landscapers, sued the Westchester County town for prohibiting the use of its park as a site for workers to link up with employers. The Associated Press writes that the town began “closely monitoring the laborers and potential employers on the street.” The case, before federal judge Colleen McMahon, now rests on the workers’ claim that they were discriminated against because they are Hispanic. McMahon had told the plaintiffs last week that the defense could ask publicly about their immigration status because “different plaintiffs may have different First Amendment rights.” She said Monday that the immigration status is “irrelevant” to the discrimination claim.

 

SCALES OF INJUSTICE?
The Post reports that former waitresses at the Sutton Place bar are suing the East Side establishment’s manager and owner in Manhattan Supreme Court for requiring female staff to record their weight. Male servers were not required to step on the scale. The suit alleges that managers kept a, uh, spreadsheet of the weights of female waitresses at different Sutton Place establishments around the city and fired the women when they complained about the practice. Rosemarie Arnold, who is representing the two women in the $15 million sexual harassment suit, said it was the “most egregious case of degradation that I have ever seen.”


BALLOT WATCH
For those in need of a last-minute voting guide, Gotham Gazette has a good one. There’s a short section on judicial elections and a link to the complete list of candidates.

September 11, 2006

LexPress for 09-11-06

By Lily Henning
Posted 09-11-06


As the 9/11 anniversary consumes New York, terror litigation remains in the news...

 

 

TAPPING THE ROOTS OF A TERROR TRIAL
The anniversary of 9/11 is marked by jury selection in a terrorism trial with complicated—and maybe dubious—roots. The Albany Times Union reports that jury selection begins tomorrow in federal court in Albany in the trial of Yassin Muhiddin Aref and Mohammed Mosharref Hossain, accused of taking the FBI’s bait in a money laundering scheme tied to a fake terror plot. The Albany men allegedly laundered money for an informant they believed was plotting to kill a Pakistani diplomat in New York City. Defense lawyers maintain the innnocence of the two men and say that some of the alleged evidence against them might have been gathered by the National Security Agency, in its warrantless wiretap program. In August, a federal judge in Detroit ruled the program unconstitutional. . .

 

Seprately, Mark Hamblett offers a helpful review of terrorism-related cases in the Second Circuit in the New York Law Journal, emphasizing the struggle over marking the limits of executive power in the federal courts since 9/11.

 

SMOKE SIGNALS 
Judge Jack Weinstein of Federal District Court in Brooklyn will decide on Wednesday whether to certify as a class action a lawsuit contending that tobacco companies defrauded consumers with claims about “light” cigarettes, reports The New York Times. The plaintiffs allege tobacco companies marketed light cigarettes as less harmful to smokers’ health than other cigarettes, although they are not. In other liability news….the next federal Vioxx trial opens in New Orleans today.

 

WHISTLEBLOWER CLAIMS RETRIBUTION
In Bronx Supreme Court, a prison social worker who says that he was fired for reporting torture of inmates by corrections officers is seeking unspecified damages against the city. The Post has the story about Leslie Blumgold, who is being represented by Ezra Glaser.

 

A SOLITARY PLEA
The Sun notes that prosecutors responded to another request by Bronx man Tarik Shah, the “jazz bassist accused of being involved in a terror plot,” to be moved out of solitary confinement. Shah, who pled not guilty to terrorism charges in 2005 (for allegedly offering to teach martial arts to Al Qaeda operatives) asked that he be moved out of solitary, pointing out that “I am an American with well over ten generations of family who were also American, so why is it that I cannot get a meaningful and impartial review of my status?” In a letter to U.S. District Court Judge Loretta Preska prosecutor Jennifer Rodgers contends that Shah would recruit inmates for “jihad”, training them in hand-to-hand combat with machetes, among other things. Don’t they try to keep those things out of prisons? (Joseph Goldstein has closely followed the Shah case in the Sun, which is on its face unsurprising, given the paper’s hawkish attention to terrorism suspects. It’s worth noting though that the stories have remained fairly balanced.)

September 08, 2006

THE MORAL COMPASS

Friend of the court too friendly?
How to complain if your judge cozies up with an opponent

Posted 09-08-06

 

I recently took my landlord to court, only to realize that his lawyer was close friends of the judge.  The evidence was clearly in my favor. The judge would hardly listen to me, though, and found in the landlord’s favor.  I tried to figure out who to go to about this problem, and all I got was a letter from a state agency suggesting that I appeal the decision. I don’t have the money or the time to do this, and I really feel that the judge was blatantly unfair. What should I do?

If you are merely unhappy about a judge’s decision in your case and you do not have any concrete evidence of actual misconduct by the judge, then your main recourse is to appeal the decision.  If you truly feel that the judge was unfair and partial and participated in misconduct in your case, however, you should bring this fact to the attention of the State Commission on Judicial Conduct.

The Commission on Judicial Conduct handles complaints of misconduct of a judge in the Unified State Court System, investigating and then taking disciplinary action where warranted.  Misconduct includes improper demeanor, conflicts of interest, intoxication, bias, prejudice, favoritism, corruption, prohibited business or political activity, and other misconduct on or off the bench.

Filing a complaint with the Commission is easy.  All it takes is a written, signed letter detailing the facts surrounding the alleged misconduct.  Make sure that the letter is as detailed as possible, and includes the name of the judge, the court name, the date or dates on which the misconduct occurred, a description of what occurred, and any other information that might be helpful.  The Commission will review your complaint and decide whether to investigate.

But don't be complacent. The Commission is an anemic body, both because it is underfuned and becuase of weak statutory authority. So consider some alternate activism.

If you really feel that the judge was out of line and that the misconduct was blatant and egregious, you might also contact someone at your local paper to cover the story, or you might write an op-ed for your local paper.  Because the Commission considers complaints based on both written, signed letters from individuals and on its own motion based on information brought to its attention from some other source, such as a newspaper article, the Commission might be more likely to pursue an investigation and take action if a newspaper story brings public attention to the problem.

(Also, and this is important: Realize that your complaint may not be confidential, because the Commission may have to inform the judge of your charges if they choose to pursue your complaint.  This may affect you in a case which is currently before that judge.)

You can mail your letter to:
The Commission on Judicial Conduct
61 Broadway
New York, NY 10006

GOT ANOTHER QUESTION?
EMAIL US AT Info@judicialstudies.com OR
MAIL US AT The Institute for Judicial Studies / 299 Broadway / Suite 1315 / New York, NY 10007

LexPress for 09-08-06

 
By Lily Henning

POSTED 09-08-06 

 

While Dick Grasso refuses to settle a $150 million lawsuit, the Astor family takes a private problem straight to the state Supreme Court...

 


DIRECT ACCESS 
The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit granted AFSCME, a labor group of government employees, a win in its suit against the American International Group Inc. The AFSCME, a stockholder in AIG, wanted more say in choosing company directors. AIG rebuffed them, getting the Securities and Exchange Commission to block the union’s move to vote on a measure that would have given shareholders more say in choosing corporate directors. The Second Circuit decision will allow shareholders to force companies to hold contested elections for directors, with rival contenders on the ballot. It’s a step forward for shareholder activists who want to push their own nominees. The decision, issued Tuesday, means the SEC has to reconsider its own rules, which is says it will do at its Oct. 18 meeting. The new rules take effect January 2007. (The Reuters wire story explains this matter best. The New York Times offers this.)

 

VISITATION REVIVIFICATION
The Bronx Family Court’s new program for noncustodial parents who want to spend quality time with their children was “relaunched” yesterday, the Daily News reports. The program will use monitors to supervise the visits, the results of which are intended to aid judges in deciding visitation rights. The article doesn’t make clear why the program is re-opening though, or how it’s very different than what the courts do now. We’re curious. Anyone have any thoughts?

 

UNSETTLING
Dick Grasso says he will not settle the lawsuit against him seeking to recover some of the nearly $150 million he made as the head of the New York Stock Exchange. The trial is set for Oct. 16 before Manhattan Supreme Court Judge Charles Ramos. (Grasso has already appealed Ramos’s decision to proceed without a jury.) The former Big Board chief complained that the suit filed by state Attorney General Eliot Spitzer—alleging excessive compensation under laws governing non-profit organizations—has prevented him from rejoining the workforce. And he needed to?

 

COMPETING FOR PITY
Anthony Marshall, Brooke Astor’s son filed papers in Manhattan Supreme Court yesterday “seething” (according to the Times against his accusers. The filings said it was “truly shameful” when Mrs. de la Renta, a friend and temporary guardian of Astor, forced the “82-year-old Mr. Marshall to wander from hospital to apartment looking for his mother.” And you’re wondering about his son, who originally pointed the finger at Anthony Marshall for not properly caring for the 104-year-old Astor? His claims, says dad, are little more than “hateful accusations by this angry and disgruntled son against his own father.” The Daily News not called the “picture paper” for nothing—runs photos of Astor’s apartment, which Anthony Marshall included in court filings to prove she wasn’t living in squalor. It’s going to be a fall of dirty laundry for Judge John Stackhouse, who’s presiding
in the case over care of Astor.

 

(BELOW WAS POSTED FOR 09-07-06) 

 

CONTRACEPTION COVERAGE CONUNDRUM
The Albany Times Union has the inside scoop on opening arguments Wednesday in the contraception case. At issue in the Court of Appeals is whether religious-based organizations should be required to cover birth control under their health insurance plans for employees. (The New York Law Journal also weighed in, calling it a “major religious liberty case.”) Catholic Charities of Albany brought the suit against the state Insurance Department, and attorney Michael Costello on Wednesday asked the court for an injunction that would give the group and others like it temporary freedom from the 2003 state law requiring coverage. There is an exemption for seminaries and the like, and Costello wants the loophole widened. Associate Judge Albert Rosenblatt wasn’t sure. “What about associations of Catholic restaurant owners or hotel owners or police officers and right down the line?” he asked. “Where does it end?” The Times Union’s Michelle Morgan Bolton writes that it was a “fast paced debate.” One example, though, makes it sound pretty circular (and maybe a little maddening for the seven judges?) “You can judiciously craft an appropriate exemption,” Costello urged the judges. “You can either expand it or declare the exemption unconstitutional.” To which Chief Judge Judith Kaye replied: “Aren’t you entangling us in those tenets?” Entanglement achieved.



GUARDIAN AD LITIGIOUS
From the litigation watch, courtesy of The New York Times: J.P. Morgan Chase, which was appointed by the Manhattan Supreme Court as guardian of Brooke Astor’s assets, might sue her son Anthony Marshall. The bank is investigating whether he “improperly obtained” about $14 million from his mother's estate.
 

SMALL CLAIMS, BIG DRAW
A veritable advertisement for the Manhattan small claims court appeared in the Daily News on Thursday.The story by Elizabeth Lazarowitz tells readers how to file, how much time it will take, and what to expect in payoff. The inevitable success story is Alex Sobolevsky, who won a case against his former lawyer, Andrew Kauffman and got $1,500 after four trips to the court. The biggest draws: Vindication—sans attorney fees.

KEEPING ‘EM DOWN ON THE FIRM
Julie Triedman reports in The American Lawyer that more big firms are using contract lawyers, paying them by the hour at a fraction of the cost of a staff lawyer and letting them go after a big case is over. It’s often an Office Space-style hell—a sweatshop in Class A commercial real estate—if this can really be said of anyone making $50,000 over the course of four months for document review. (One out-of-town lawyer lived in her car and took showers at the gym. Meals were provided onsite.) The partners though, are reportedly very pleased with the new class of peons.

LET THE BLOGGING BEGIN…
The NY Examiner offers commentary from anyone and everyone (although the content is a little thin, so everyone might be stretching it) on judicial elections at this link.

DEAD AIR. REALLY.
Some of the ventilation ducts in the luxury DUMBO condos sold by Joshua Guttman, whose huge waterfront Greenpoint property burned down earlier this year are dead ends, alleges an $18 million suit in Brooklyn Supreme Court filed by buyers of apartments in the converted warehouse. The suit, detailed in the Post, also claims a leaky roof, non-existent insulation, and violations of city building codes. The New York Post quotes lawyer Adam Baily’s oh-so-subtle summary: “This guy built a piece of junk…this guy was sent by the devil.”

LITIGATION TINDERBOX?
The New York Post also reports today that the engineer who submitted reconstruction plans for the Bronx store where two firefighters died last week never certified that the work he recommended had been done and city records reveal Building Department inspectors never checked the building, which was structurally damaged in a 2000 arson, six years before it burned to the ground because of an electrical fire. With criminal charges a possibility, according to the Post, could a civil suit be far behind?
 

Criminal Term Backlog

 

CrimBacklog.gif

 

(Click on image to enlarge) 

 

Despite the Bronx's recent reorganization of its criminal justice system, its backlog of felonies continues to grow, outpacing the other boroughs.

Source: Office of Court Administration. 

CARDOZO'S REFORM Rx

Mending a Broken Bench
By Michael Cardozo 
 
I want to start off talking about how we select state Supreme Court justices—the judges before whom most major civil and criminal cases are tried. I begin on this topic because the success my office has in dealing with the challenges we face depends, in large measure, on judges and the quality of their decisionmaking.

Before I discuss what I see as the judicial selection crisis we face in this city today let me emphasize as strongly as I can that most judges are honest, hardworking, and smart men and women. In discussing the issue of judicial selection, I don’t intend in any way to malign those hardworking individuals.
 

Let me begin by explaining very quickly how Supreme Court justices are nominated. To become a Supreme Court justice in New York, you don’t run in a primary, unlike candidates for the Civil Court or for Surrogate. Instead, in each of the four judicial districts in the city (Brooklyn and Staten Island are considered one district) there is what is called a judicial convention, with the convention delegates elected in the primary about a week earlier. Each party nominates its Supreme Court candidates at the judicial convention and the nominated candidates then run in the general election in November. Of course, in this heavily Democratic city, nomination by the Democratic judicial convention usually means election. Now, let me move to my point. Regardless of whom you voted for in the last mayoral election, I assume, if I mentioned the names Michael Bloomberg, Freddy Ferrer, Anthony Weiner, Virginia Fields, Gifford Miller and Bill Thompson, you would remember which of them you voted for in the primary and general election.

Now I want to pose a question to this sophisticated audience. It boils down to this: Will you please stand up if you remember the names of two people for whom you voted for judge, in last September’s primary or last November's general election. No one. Think of it, not a single person in this audience can remember the name of even two judicial candidates even though, depending on the borough in which you live, there were from four-to-ten contested judicial slots to fill. So if no one here can remember the names of the judicial candidates for whom they voted, then presumably the general public doesn't remember either. In fact, I suspect that many of you—like many in the general voting public—probably didn't vote for judicial candidates at all.

Why don't people vote for judges? I think there are two somewhat related answers. First, voters don’t know anything about the candidates. There is hardly any campaigning for the position. Second, if there is a campaign, how are voters to decide? What are judicial campaigns supposed to be about? Someone saying he or she is fairer than the next guy? Simply put, there really is very little basis on which the voter can make an intelligent decision on which judicial candidate he should vote for.

There has been a terrible, frankly frightening, consequence to this voter ignorance and nonparticipation in the determination of the people who will become our judges. The decision on who will become a judge has been left solely in the hands of a small group of people: county political leaders. As one Supreme Court justice, who was ultimately forced to step down for disciplinary violations, said, "You don't have to know something to be a judge, you have to know somebody. They give you a robe and expect you to know the law.”

Shame on us if this is the way we have allowed our judges to be selected. Certainly the politicians whom we have allowed to select our judges in too many cases don’t select their judicial candidates based on merit. Nor do they take into account the opinions of people who might be in a position to determine judicial qualifications. Last year, for example, nine of the Brooklyn Supreme and Civil Court candidates on the ballot were found unqualified by most major bar associations. But the politicians nominated them anyway. One of those found unqualified was nominated for the bench because he was supported by the former Brooklyn Democratic party leader. Conversely, a Civil Court judge was denied nomination to the Supreme Court not because she was unqualified but because she had previously refused to hire as her court attorney the district leader's daughter.

Is this the way we want our judges to be selected? This flawed judicial selection process has consequences far beyond not elevating the best and the brightest to the bench. For example, in the last four years, three Supreme Court judges in Brooklyn have been charged with a felony; two of them have been convicted, and trial on the other is pending. Another Supreme Court judge, this one from Queens, has been recommended for removal for improper judicial conduct. And a number of other Supreme Court judges have been disciplined for improper behavior by the state Commission on Judicial Conduct.

And recently, to put the icing on the cake, U.S. District Judge John Gleeson declared unconstitutional the judicial convention system I just described. He ruled that given the way convention delegates are selected, it was virtually impossible for a candidate not supported by the party establishment to be nominated by the convention. Hence the system was unconstitutional. He went on to rule that until and unless that defect was solved, Supreme Court justices had to be selected in open primaries.

There is a judicial selection crisis in this state. The system has not only been found unconstitutional, but it is producing candidates who clearly are not the most highly qualified. What should be done? Ideally I believe, as does the Mayor, that we should have a merit selection system where judges would be appointed by the chief executive, following nomination of a limited number of candidates to the executive by an independent panel.

This is the way Mayor Bloomberg appoints judges to the Criminal and Family Court. An independent panel, of which he appoints a minority of members, recommends three candidates for every vacancy, from which he selects one. This judicial selection method, which has been used by mayors going back to Mayor Ed Koch, has served the city well. A similar method is used in selecting our judges to the Court of Appeals, the state’s highest court.

But to effect such a change for our Supreme Court justices requires a constitutional amendment. Not only will this take at least three years to accomplish, but it is far from certain that the legislature would adopt a merit selection amendment. So we are faced with some very stark choices.

1. We can hold out for merit selection (which may never come).

2. In the meantime:

a. Judges will be selected in primaries if the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit affirms Judge Gleeson.
b. And if his decision is reversed, we will be stuck with selecting judges by the flawed system I described.

[Editor's Note: A panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit affirmed Gleeson's ruling in late August. Further appeals are still possible.]

3. The alternative is to fix the flawed judicial convention system. The Mayor and I vote for this latter solution.
Let me tell you why.

Imagine a judicial primary in this city. Will you vote for Candidate A because she says she will be fairer than her opponent? Will Candidate B be able to raise more money than Candidate A and by his television ads explain why he would be a better judge? Certainly I hope that in his efforts to garner lots of votes, his ads won’t say he will always decide for tenants or promise that he will be a “lock them up” judge.

The independence and fairness of our judiciary depends on judges approaching each case with an open mind; campaign promises to the contrary undermine that fundamental principle. And who will contribute to these judicial campaigns? I suspect it will be the very lawyers who will later appear before the ultimately victorious judicial candidate. That certainly won’t engender confidence that the judge will be fair or decide the case on the actual merits.

So if we are not going to have a merit selection appointment process, at least for some time, and if primaries are not the answer, the only other alternative that I see is to correct the flaws in the judicial convention nominating system. And this must be done by solving two separate problems.

First, we must ensure that the candidates nominated by the convention are those most highly qualified. We can do this by enacting a law requiring an independent judicial qualification committee to tell the convention who the three most qualified candidates are for each vacancy.

Second, we must deal with the federal court’s determination that the present convention system is unconstitutional because it is so difficult for candidates opposing the party to have his or her supporters elected as convention delegates. This problem too can be solved—and the solution is highly technical—if a law is passed reducing both the signature requirements to run for delegate and the number of delegates at the conventions themselves.

And of course, while this legislative effort is going on there is nothing—other than political inertia—to prevent the political parties from reforming themselves. They can pass internal rules creating independent screening panels and providing that they will only nominate for Supreme Court justice those found qualified by those panels.

Unfortunately, recent experience offers ample proof why we should not wait for parties to correct the problem, and why we must move forward with a legislative solution, now. We cannot afford to wait any longer to reform our judicial selection system. With every additional scandal the public loses more faith in our judiciary. More important, the rule of law on which we all rely depends on ensuring that all judges are unbiased and highly qualified. Moreover, there is long overdue momentum for real change in this area; we cannot waste this opportunity.

Michael Cardozo is Corporation Counsel for the City of New York. The article is adapted from a speech he delivered at New York Law School and is used with his permission. 

Crashing the Gates

By Jason Boog
Posted 09-08-06

Defenders of the country club had hoped the judge's testimony would secure the gates. Instead, it sent an open invitation to party crashers.

When defense counsel for the New York judicial establishment called Supreme Court judge Sheila Abdus-Salaam to the stand in 2004, they were confident her testimony would convince federal judge John Gleeson that the judicial convention system was constitutional. At issue was
the landmark federal case, Lopez Torres vs. New York State Board of Elections.

They must have assumed that the modest, plain-spoken description of the process by such a witness—who sits in Manhattan’s medical malpractice part—would trump the image of candidates forced to leap through hoops in smoke-filled rooms.

They were wrong.

For two days of testimony, Justice Abdus-Salaam provided an unprecedented glimpse into the byzantine maneuverings behind the Supreme Court elections. Sometimes boring, sometimes ridiculous, the process never sounded pretty.

The judge explained how state Assemblyman Herman “Denny” Farrell Jr., chairman of the New York State Democratic Committee, urged her to go before the Supreme Court screening panel back in 1993. Salaam sat before 12 or 15 party-selected screeners and apparently succeeded in charming the group.

At that point, the machine smoothly shifted into high gear—using party workers to collect the thousands of signatures required to build a slate of judicial delegates to vote for Abdus-Salaam at the judicial convention. Without the support of party leaders, a challenger would have to mount a massive, expensive signature campaign to muster comparable support at the convention.

She embarked on a string of fundraiser dinners and political club visits, finally throwing a “delegate’s party” to introduce herself to the estimated 200 delegates and alternates who would pick five judges to nominate as Democratic candidates at the September judicial convention.

Her testimony (click here for excerpts) concluded with a recitation of bean-counting on the convention floor. She painstakingly described scratch-paper math she used to track her delegation supporters.

There were a few suspenseful moments, but ultimately, Abdus-Salaam received the party’s stamp of approval. The nomination virtually assured Abdus-Salaam’s win, and she swept into the 14-year post, along with four other Democratic Party picks, beating the nearest Republican contender by more than sixty thousand votes.

In all, it sounded more like being rushed for a sorority or fraternity than being vetted for a branch of government that settles massive financial claims and decides which citizens go to Rikers Island.

Indeed, New York is the only state in the nation with such a party-rigged convention system for selecting its top trial judges.

Gleeson’s ruling made no bones about his disapproval of the process, and he declared the system unconstitutional. In late August, a three-judge panel from the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit unanimously affirmed Gleeson’s ruling, which mandates open primaries until the state legislature builds a new system. (See appellate ruling, Lopez Torres v. New York State Board of Elections)

Without the guiding hand of the Democratic Party, an open primary could jack up the price tag of a Supreme Court race by hundreds of thousands of dollars. While Gleeson stayed his decision to avoid disrupting the 2006 election, the Second Circuit panel flatly denied another extension for next year’s race.

“I think it was wrong,” said Joseph L. Forstadt from Stroock & Stroock & Lavan. Forstadt defended the Association of New York State Supreme Court Justices in front of Gleeson. “I put six Supreme Court justices on the witness stand, they testified that they got their jobs by the sweat of their own brow. I think the court should have relied on the credibility of their testimony.”

Forstadt and others are currently considering other appeal options. But the odds are now very heavy that 2007 will see a slew of pricey battles.

Abdus-Salaam estimated she spent less than $2,000 on the entire campaign in 1993.

When asked how she would finance a re-election bid in an open primary, she had a gloomier outlook: “I would have to hock my brownstone, I don’t have relatives with money like that, raising bits and pieces, I think it would [be] difficult, because I’ve been on the bench so long we haven’t been allowed to do any sort of mingling with clubs.”

Now, it looks like Justice Abdus-Salaam might have to consider that second mortgage.

Consultant Peter R. Weiss, for one, thinks she’s facing precisely such a steep financial climb. What would he tell a prospective candidate in an open primary?

“Raise a lot of money,” he said. “Two hundred grand would be the minimum. Three hundred thousand would be better. If you are an incumbent, you’ve been out of circulation for 14 years. That’s a problem. Party leadership has changed, and you have to start from scratch.”

Weiss saw the effects immediately after the Gleeson decision dropped last January. The consultant said he received phone calls from Manhattan attorneys who hoped to run in Brooklyn in the event of an open primary. They saw an opportunity in five open seats for 2006 in a borough that they assumed would have less competition than their own.

Panicked by the prospect of being forced to raise hundreds of thousands of dollars in time for the 2006 campaign, Supreme Court justice Joan Lobis was among a half-dozen incumbents who petitioned Gleeson for a delay: “[M]y contact with the political process has been quite minimal, and long ago,” she wrote in an affidavit. “Not only would this entire process be wholly foreign to anything I have done, it would also be totally at odds with my professional life for the last 20 years.”

As unimpressed as Gleeson had been by the defense of the ancient regime, he sympathized with those claiming they’d have no time to avoid an electoral guillotine. The judge stayed his own ruling until after the 2006 election.

In 2007, however, an open primary could wreak havoc in three New York City boroughs. According to records on file at the Unified Court System, six incumbent justices will face re-election next year: Abdus-Salaam, Fern Fisher and Charles E. Ramos in Manhattan; L. Priscilla Hall, Larry D. Martin, and Albert Tomei in Brooklyn and Staten Island. In addition, two seats will be opened by retirement in Queens.

Despite the potentially prohibitive price tag, some court watchers see the new system as a step toward better government: “It’s a great day for democracy in New York,” said Gary Tilzer, the campaign manager who fought to win a judicial spot for Surrogate Judge Margarita Lopez Torres. “Now you have a system where challengers have a shot.”

In 2004, Tilzer’s candidate took the election battle to Judge Gleeson’s courtroom. After combing through 10,000 pages of evidence, Judge Gleeson concluded that the plaintiffs—Surrogate Lopez Torres, the Brennan Center for Justice, and eight frustrated judicial candidates—were unfairly excluded by the convention system.

In the wake of the appellate ruling, the fate of the system now rests in the hands of the state legislature.

The Republican-dominated state Senate rushed through an election reform bill (S.55-A) in January, led by Senator John A. DeFrancisco. The bill would create a petition mechanism whereby candidates without the party’s blessing could still join the primary ballot. That measure has stalled in the state Assembly’s Election Law Committee since February.

According to Deanna Cohen, a spokesperson for DeFrancisco’s office, the Assembly isn’t scheduled for another lawmaking decision until January, but she’s hopes they will schedule an extra session to address the bill. “We’d like to see the bill passed in the assembly, and Senator DeFrancisco suggested an alternative bill also—he’s open to other ideas.”

Various election specialists are happy to provide suggestions.

“It’s going to put a lot of pressure on the legislature,” consultant Tilzer acknowledged. “If they don’t work on district size, an open primary will be difficult.” He advised the legislature to create smaller judicial districts and provide matching funds for judicial candidates—allowing candidates to run on a level playing field.

Under New York election law, the state comprises of 12 judicial districts, each with a different number of “authorized Supreme Court positions.” Both parties choose Supreme Court delegates through a mind-boggling calculus of district size and voting patterns within individual districts, electing candidates to fill a 14-year spot on the court.

In Manhattan, the First Judicial District (JD) on the election grid, two incumbent seats out of 38 Supreme Court positions are up for re-election in 2006. In Brooklyn and Richmond counties (Second JD), five out of 52 seats are technically open, with two incumbents and three retiring justices. In Queens, (Eleventh JD), there are four incumbents and three retiring judges out of 38 seats. Finally, in the Bronx (Twelfth JD), there is one incumbent and one retiring judge out of 24 seats.

“The Second Circuit ruling doesn’t call for nip and tuck changes,” said James Sample, associate counsel for the Brennan Center for Justice, the group that helped Margarita Lopez Torres file her suit. He stressed that the state legislature should avoid making only “incremental changes” to the judicial election system—quick fixes such as creating an independent screening panel or requiring fewer signatures to build a delegate slate.

“That still keeps it in control of party bosses,” explained Sample. “We just think minor changes to the status quo are insufficient. We have to be careful not to let incremental reform become the ally of the unconstitutional status quo.”

According to Manhattan election consultant and political writer Jerry Skurnik, the legislature should think about ways to protect incumbents like Abdus-Salaam. Traditionally, incumbent judges in both the Appellate Division and the Supreme Court automatically receive re-election nods at the convention.

Skurnik advises Supreme Court justices to lobby for an “assigned vacancy” law that would help insulate incumbent judges from direct competition—compelling new candidates to declare which vacancy they were seeking, rather than indirectly challenging an incumbent.

In Skurnik’s hypothetical, an unopposed incumbent could be toppled by two primary candidates who weren’t even seeking her seat if they both somehow outpolled her among primary voters. Talking about the one vacant judicial seat in Manhattan in 2007, Skurnik explained: “[Abdus-Salaam] may lose, even though nobody is opposing her!”

The Reversal Report for 09-08-06

BY Mark Thompson 

REPETITIVE INJURY

Hernandez v. Almanzar, August 31
Justice Yvonne Gonzalez, of the Bronx County Supreme Court, was convinced that Shawntrique Hernandez suffered a serious injury in a Feb. 9, 2002 automobile accident. After all, Dr. Aric Hausknecht, a prolific medical expert who is board-certified in psychiatry and neurology, said so. In his examination of the plaintiff, the doctor found an array of “range-of-motion deficits” that he was convinced were due to neck and back injuries that Hernandez had sustained in that particular accident.

The Appellate Division wasn’t nearly as impressed as Justice Gonzalez with Hausknecht’s findings. After all, he didn’t examine Hernandez until three years after the accident. And he didn’t explain how he could be so sure that her alleged neck and back problems stemmed from the 2002 collision and not from two other accidents, one in 1999 and another in 2003, in which she had also admitted that she had been injured. The appellate judges reversed Justice Gonzalez’s refusal to dismiss the case, granting the defendant’s motion to toss it out of court.

Justice Gonzalez isn’t the first trial judge in New York to accept Hausknecht’s testimony on behalf of an allegedly injury plaintiff, only to be reversed by the Appellate Division. In 2004, in the case of Hernandez v. Lopez, Bronx County Justice Jerry L. Crispino thought the doctor had made a good case for the plaintiff and allowed that personal injury case to proceed to trial. The appellate judges disagreed, concluding that Dr. Hausknecht’s expert opinion was “conclusory and speculative, and seemingly tailored to meet the statutory definition” of “serious injury.”

Later that year, Bronx County Supreme Court Judge Anne Targum bought the doctor’s finding of serious injury in the case of Flores v. Singh. The appellate judges concluded that Dr. Hausknecht “failed to explain the more than two-year lapse” in the plaintiffs’ treatment following the accident in which they had supposedly been so seriously injured. The doctor’s expert opinion, the appellate judges concluded, was “insufficient to create questions of fact, let alone demonstrate that either plaintiff suffered a serious injury.”

Trial judges who have given Dr. Hausknecht’s opinions a more jaundiced assessment have fared better in the appellate court.

Bronx County Justice Alan Saks, in the 2004 case of Taylor v. Gin Cabel Trucking, noted that the plaintiff visited Dr. Hausknecht 15½ months after her last previous visit to a doctor for treatment of the serious injury she allegedly sustained in an accident. Dr. Hausknecht obligingly produced a report attesting to the severity of her condition. Justice Saks didn’t buy it, citing the lengthy, unexplained gap in treatment. Neither did the appellate court, affirming dismissal of the case.

Bronx County Justice Patricia Anne Williams, in the 2004 case of Arjona v. Calcano, dismissed the plaintiffs’ claim despite the fact that Dr. Hausknecht, “who had purportedly reviewed their medical history,” was “able to point to bulging or herniated discs which ‘permanently’ and ‘significantly’ affected their daily activities.” That expert opinion notwithstanding, the Justice Williams concluded that “there was no evidence that plaintiffs had sustained injuries that prevented them from ‘performing substantially all of the material acts which constitute such person's usual and customary daily activities.’ ” The appellate panel agreed, affirming dismissal of the case.

Earlier this year, in Legendre v. Bao, Queens County Justice Augustus C. Agate, dismissed yet another claim by a plaintiff who had enlisted Dr. Hausknecht’s expert assistance. Justice Agate concluded that the doctor “failed to address the findings of degeneration in the plaintiff's cervical and lumbar spine.” The appellate division affirmed.

Dr. Hausknecht’s clients don’t always lose when their cases reach the Appellate Division. In a 2004 ruling, Brown v. Achy, at least two of the three judges on an appellate panel thought the doctor’s client had made a sufficient showing of a serious injury that she deserved a trial. Nevermind that she had skipped treatment for more than two years before deciding to sue, and that there was another possible explanation for her back problem, the fact that she was carrying 290 pounds on her 5-foot, 3-inch frame. While the majority was willing to let the case go to trial, one of the three appellate judges was far more skeptical than his colleagues. In a dissenting opinion, Judge Friedman noted that there was no indication that the plaintiff’s visits to Dr. Hausknecht “had any purpose other than furthering this litigation.”

A search of the Appellate Division archives since the start of 2004 for cases in which Dr. Hausknecht is named as an expert reveals just one unanimous appellate victory for one of Dr. Hausknecht’s purportedly injured patients. And that patient had died before the doctor stepped into the case. In the 2005 case, Schulman v. Jacobowitz, the appellate court allowed a case on behalf of a deceased stroke victim, whose medical history the doctor had examined, to go to trial

The doctor has scored one other appellate victory since the start of 2004. Last December, in Matter of Hausknecht v. Comprehensive Medical Care of New York, the appellate court sustained a $52,199.22 arbitration award that he won against the defendant in that case. The appellate ruling did not reveal the circumstances surrounding that legal dispute.

OTHER NOTABLE REVERSALS

Bronx County

Justice Paul A. Victor allowed the plaintiff to proceed to trial against her neighbor for a slip and fall on the sidewalk in front of his home. The appellate division, finding that there was no evidence that the defendant created a defective condition, reversed.
Torres v. City of New York, August 31

Justice Mark Friedlander thought a bicyclist should have his day in court against a motorist who collided with him. The appellate division noted that since the cyclist ran a stop sign and the driver of the car had the right-of-way, the case should be dismissed.
Aiello v. City of New York, August 31



New York County

Justice Eileen Bransten concluded that it was unfair of the transit authority to proceed with an arbitration against an employee that resulted in the loss of his job, given that a criminal case was pending against the employee for his alleged assault on a passenger. The appellate division concluded that the pending criminal case didn’t deter him from presenting all relevant evidence at the arbitration hearing, so his termination should have been sustained.
Matter of Campbell v. New York City Transit Authority, August 31


Justice Faviola A. Soto rebuked the defendant, a school district which had ignored abundant evidence of misconduct by a teacher who ultimately raped the plaintiff in this case, for failure to comply with the court’s discovery orders. The appellate division agreed with Faviola, but modified his ruling by tacking on sanctions of $7,500 and imposing a tight deadline for compliance with discovery orders.
Anonymous v. High School for Environmental Studies, August 31

 

The Testimony That Backfired

 

The landmark ruling in Lopez Torres vs. New York State Board of Elections gave court watchers a tantalizing glimpse behind curtains that conceal the wizards of judicial selection. Federal judge John Gleeson combed through 10,000 pages of evidence before he declared the state's judicial convention process unconstitutional.

 

For two days in 2004, Supreme Court justice Sheila Abdus-Salaam recounted her journey to the state's highest
trial bench. She described everything from fundraiser appetizers to the Democratic Party's recruitment strategies. Defense counsel believed the level of detail revealed the judge's honest toil. However true that was, it also shed light on an absurdly rigged process.

 

Here are exclusive excerpts culled from Abdus-Salaam's testimony in front of Gleeson. The accounts come from a two-day interview with Andrew Rossman, attorney from Akin Gump Strauss Hauer & Feld, who helped defend the New York County Democratic Committee in the lawsuit.



Excerpts from Sheila Abdus-Salaam’s direct examination by Andrew Rossman, attorney from Akin Gump Strauss Hauer & Feld LLP, representing the New York County Democratic Committee, dated 9/30/2004

Q: Could you describe for the court how it is that you came to seek your position on the civil court for the County of New York in 1991?
A: I had applied to the mayor’s committee on the judiciary for a position—for an appointment as an interim civil court judge, family court judge or criminal court judge. While that application was winding its way through the committee, I got a call from one of my law school classmates Paul Williams, who told me that the county leader, Denny Farrell, was looking for candidates of color for the county seat to the civil court. That’s how I found out about it and decided that I would apply.

***

Q: In 1991, how well did you know Mr. Farrell?
A: I had met him at the Black and Hispanic caucus in Albany when I was in the Attorney General’s Office. Bob Abram who was my boss would have many assistants at that point go up to those events in Albany. I think I met him then.
I also met him personally when I was recruited by a club within the district I lived in Harlem. They attempted to recruit me to be their candidate for the civil court in the district. Actually, he was the only district leader besides the one who is trying to get me to run who would meet with me. He told me he already had a candidate he was supporting who was my friend who at the time was known as Fern Fisher-Brandveen.

Q: You mentioned the club attempted to recruit you to run for that position. I take it, by the way, you say that they were not successful in that effort?
A: That’s right. When I learned that, I would have to run against my friend Fern, I said no.

*** 

Q: Did you seek the support of other political leaders besides the ones that you mentioned, Mr. Farrell, Mr. Rangel, Ms. Maloney?
A: Yes, all of the district leaders, I had to get all or at least a good majority of their support. I did speak to, I believe, all of them.

Q: What was the role of district leaders in the open primary race that you ran in 1991?

A: In order to get the county nomination, you have to get the support of the district leaders. I solicited their support even to the point of doing something which I understood was unusual for a civil court position. I was counseled by one of the people who was advising me that I should have a party for the district leaders before they have their meeting and to decide on candidates and I did.

Q: Did you ultimately receive the support of the district leaders?

A: I did.

***

Q: Incidentally, in the primary on the ballot on primary day, 1991, was there a contest? Were there any other candidates on the ballot besides yourself?
A: No—well, in the Democratic primary, no, there weren’t any.

Q:I think you were about to describe what happened in the general election?
A: I was. I was cross-endorsed by the Republican Party and the Liberal Party. I sought their endorsements. I went to their screening process, got endorsements as well.

***

Q: Would you describe for the court how it is that it came about that you sought that [Supreme Court] position?
A: Well, I just started on the civil court. I received a call from Mr. Farrell asking me to apply to the Supreme Court. The year before the screening panel, only one candidate of color had gone into the panel and none had come out. He was attempting to improve the poll of candidates of color. Even though I thought I was pretty new to the whole judicial process, I figured well, I’ll do it. I have nothing to lose, so I said I would put in my application.

Q: How well did you know Mr. Farrell as of 1993?
A: Well, after receiving his support along with the other district leaders from the country position, I knew him that much more. When I told you from what I knew before, which was virtually not at all.

Q: Was he promoting your candidacy in 1993 to the Supreme Court as a political favor to you?
A: No. In fact, after I was reported out of the screening panel, he called me and said he couldn’t support me. He was supporting Fern, once again.

***

Q: You’re submitting your application for the screening panel in the first place for just a moment, if we could dwell on that, did you apply to the screening panel as a favor to Mr. Farrell?

A: Not exactly as a favor to him. I was more interested in actually improving Fern’s chances of getting out of the panel because she had been the only candidate the previous year who had gone in and had not come out. I also thought I might as well get in line. I might want to be on the Supreme Court at some future point. The more my name was out there, the better my chances might be.

Q: I want you to describe for the court in as much detail as you need to describe it accurately the steps you took to declare your candidacy in the early part of 1993 for the Supreme Court position.

A: First, because I was already a sitting judge, I had to declare myself a candidate with the Office of Court Administration. I submitted that letter indicating that I would be a candidate for the Supreme Court.
Thereafter, I received, I think from the county, I’m not sure, a list of club functions, events. There are parties, boat rides, things that candidates go to present themselves. I began to attend those.
When the screening panel was established and set a date for submitting applications and making candidates aware, respective candidates aware the application is available, I got one, filled it out and submitted it. That was about July, I believe.

***

Q: Would you give the court just a handful of examples of the types of functions you’re referring to?

A: The various clubs throw fund raisers, brunches or after work receptions. They invite judicial candidates to attend them to get to know the people in the club, potential delegates to the Supreme Court convention because sometimes the club members are the ones who become delegates.

Q: How much do these functions typically cost to attend?

A: They can cost $100 or more. There were some that were relatively inexpensive. A couple of boat rides were 10 dollars, maybe some were 35 or 40.

Q: For 10 dollars, or for a hundred dollars, you also get the benefit of the boat ride, dinner, whatever goes along with the function?
A: The carrot in one place, the entrée in another, desert in the third. Sometimes you have to be in three places in one night.

***

Q: What happens next in the screening panel process?
A: I was informed that interviews would take place. I received, I think, a letter from the panel administrator advising me of the date my interview would take place which was in August. I went to the interview.

Q: Could you just very briefly describe that?
A: I think there were maybe 12 or 15 people in the room representing various organizations who asked me questions about my qualifications.

Q: Did you feel that the organizations represented by the screening panel were representative of New York County as a whole?
A: I think so. I believe there were representatives from community-based organizations, law schools, national organizations like the NAACP, bar associations. I believe that was it, community-based organizations, bar associations, law schools and other organizations.

Q: Following your interview, were you ultimately reported out of the panel as most highly qualified?

A: One of the persons who was reported out, yes.

Q: How many persons were reported out of the screening panel for the Democratic Committee in Manhattan in 1993?
A: There were four seats. That’s 12 people; three names reported out for each.

Q: At the moment that you learned that you’ve been reported out of the panel, what was your reaction?

A: I was pretty floored.

*** 

Q: You mentioned a delegate’s party. What is that precisely?
A: It’s a reception for the delegates and alternates who might be voting on the candidacy or nomination at the convention.
Q: What did you do to hold that party?
A: First convince some friends to let me use their brownstone to have it and then I put the party together. I went to BJ’s got some frozen appetizers, some beverages, put it together.
Q: Including I guess what you spent at BJ’s on the frozen appetizers, how much did the whole party cost you?
A: Probably about 300 dollars or so.
Q: In addition to the delegate’s part, would you describe in some detail for the court what other efforts you undertook to solicit delegate support during this one to two week period?
A: As I said, I sent the letter out and I made some calls. I was assigned what’s known as a counter from the county organization to help me keep track of commitments in the delegates.
Q: What is the role of a counter precisely?
A: Basically what I said, as I understood it, I was a novice at it, but I understood this person was to help me determine if I was actually getting the delegate support I need.

Excerpts from Sheila Abdus-Salaam’s direct examination by Andrew Rossman, attorney from Akin Gump Strauss Hauer & Feld LLP, representing the New York County Democratic Committee, dated 10/4/2004.
Q: Would you describe for the court what you do recall about the night of the convention?
A: As I recall it was a crowded room, I think in a school, a big auditorium and there were a lot of people there. People seemed to be kibitzing, talking about what they were going to do, I was trying to remain as calm as possible, keep cool as they say.

*** 

Q: Would you consider the [1993] election to have been seriously contested?
A: Conveniently I was in Manhattan, which was primarily democratic. Most of the registered voters, I think the vast majority, are Democrats. I don’t think I would have been successful in maybe any other borough in the city.

Q: How much money did you spend on your campaign?

A: Up to and including the sprint to the convention itself?
Q: On September 22, 1993?
A: I think it was less than $2,000.
Q: What was the single largest expense?
A: The delegates party, about $300, I think.

***

Q: Do you have any idea how much money you would have had to raise [for a contested election]?

A: When I first was thinking about this, going onto the bench at all and I consulted with some people, they said I would have to raise $35,000 to $50,000, depending if I would have a contest or not. That’s the current system.